


Ja SIPING (Ole 


Social and Economic Factors 


RELATING TO 
Spanish-Speaking People 
IN THE 


United States 


HOME MISSIONS COUNCIL 


Commission on Social and Economic Factors 
JOHN McDOWELL, Chairman 





\4 





PREFACE 


Spanish-speaking people in the United States are divided roughly into two groups. 
Isolated in the mountains of New Mexico and southern Colorado, are the Spanish-speak- 
ing Americans, the descendents of the early conquerors. These hardy explorers who 
have left their blood and their names in this upland area, were the first Huropeans ever 
to establish a foothold in America. Onate conquered Santa Fe in 1605—fifteen years 
before the Mayflower landed. Retardation to a marked degree has characterized these 
people. They have been isolated from their kinsfolk in Mexico, by long miles of desert, 
and by mountain barriers. Just as truly have they been isolated from Anglo-Saxon civ- 
ilization by barriers of blood and language. There are places in New Mexico, far re- 
moved from the railroad, where farmers still plow with wooden plows, thresh with bulls 
and goats, and winnow their grain by hand. No data whatsoever has been placed in the 
hands of your Commission touching this group. 


From the mass of material presented, it is evident to all, that the great burden of 
the problem rests with the second group, representing the Mexican laborer. Interesting 
material having to do with social and economic factors among these people has been 
presented as far as Colorado and California are concerned; but the data has been both 
meagre and sketchy in the cases of Arizona and Texas. There is an insistent demand 
for Mexican labor in the middle west, and east, and rapidly growing colonies of Mexicans 
are to be found now in all the industrial centers of these sections. Such material as has 
been presented has been used, but your Commission feels that an adequate study of the 
problem has not yet been made in the areas mentioned. 


We have had to make large use of existing material, to supplement in many cases 
the original data which has been furnished. In this connection we wish to express our 
appreciation to the Sub-Department of Spanish-Speaking Work of the Department of 
City, Immigrant and Industrial Work of The Presbyterian Board of National Missions, 
for valuable assistance rendered in the study of the material and in the preparation of 
this report; also for data furnished from its files. 


No one can know better than the members of this Commission the inadequacy of 
this paper; none can better realize its limitations. But it is presented with the hope 
that it may furnish at least some light in’ the study of one of America’s most pressing 
problems. 


JOHN McDOWELL, Chairman. 


CHAPTER 1. 


CHAPTER II. 


CHAPTER III. 


CHAPTER IV. 


CHAPTER V. 


CHAPTER VI. 


CHAPTER VII. 


TABLE OF CONTENTS 


IMMIGRATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION. Population by 
states and cities—Immigration and Emigration—Causes of Immigration 
—Illegal or “bootleg” entries—Problem of future immigration—Factors 


tending toward decrease—Employers against restriction. 


Piige 5 


UNDER THE MEXICAN’S HAT. Racial Mixture—Autocratic organiza- 
tion of society—Individualism—Lack of initiative—Improvidence—Cli- 
mate and Character—Insecurity of property—Generosity—Love of 
Beauty—Happy fatalism. 

Page 7 


THE MEXICAN AT WORK: MIGRATORY GROUPS. Diversified 
agriculture demands casual labor—Seasonal “swirls” in California—Labor 
needs of various crops—Enforced idleness of casuals—Salt River Valley 
of Arizona—Mexican and Negro—Colorado beet sugar—Recruiting labor 
—Texas cotton—Michigan and Ohio—Mexicans on the railroads—Re- 
tardation of school children—Effect on Churches—Social results. 


Page 9 


THE MEXICAN AT WORK: SETTLED GROUPS. Why the migrant 
settles down—From agricultural to industrial work—The stabilized agri- 
cultural worker—Rising on the railroads—Numbers in city industries— 
Difficulties impeding Mexican’s economic progress; in professions and 
business—Mexican children in the movies—Wages for migratory and 
settled workers—Our debt to the Mexican. 


CHILD LABOR. State laws versus economic demands—Child labor in 
California—In Colorado—Kinds of hand work in| the beet fields—Survey 
of Child Labor Committee—Ages of working children—hours of work, 
and rest periods—Non-enforcement of compulsory education law—Re- 
tardation of working children—Opinions of sugar officials—Chamber of 
Commerce secretary—Teachers—Public officials—Is child labor justi- 
fiable? 

Page 17 


THE MEXICAN AT HOMH. HIS HOUSE. Living in tents and box- 
cars—A camp in the Imperial Valley in California—The movement for 
better quarters—The desire for permanent homes—Adobe houses of the 
beet companies—Bad conditions due to over-crowding—Shacks—The 
menace of a bad house—The economic demand for better housing—The 
tenement—Deplorable city conditions—in Chicago—in St. Louis—in Hl 
Paso—in Los Angeles—The hope of the future—Better class homes. 


Page 20 


THE MEXICAN AT HOME; HIS FAMILY. The Mexican’s love for 
his home—Courtesy—Hospitality—The patriarchal system—Love for chil- 
dren—Ambition for their progress—Charity toward old ‘and dependents. 


Page 24 


CHAPTER VIII. THE MEXICAN IN THE COMMUNITY. Health—Diseases common 


CONCLUSION. 


to Mexicans—Comparison with Caucasians—Infant mortality—Causes of 
disease—Poverty and dependency—in Los Angeles County—in Colorado 
—Whose the responsibility ?—Unscientific charity—Problem phases, Los 
Angeles county—Delinquency and crime—California prisons—Recreation 
—Typical Mexican amusements—Baseball—Handball—The influence of 
the school—*‘Catching on.”’ 


Is the Mexican immigrant becoming homogeneous? Is Mexican labor 
really “cheap” labor? What about the migrant laborer? What shall 
be the future American policy toward Mexican Immigration? 


Page 30 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


Page 31 


CHAPTER Il. 
Immigration and Distribution of Population. 


The exact figures on the Mexican and other Spanish-speaking peoples as well as 
their distribution throughout the country are not available. Some estimate the total at 
2,000,000. The Mexicans are most numerous in the Southwest, where in many commun- 
ities they constitute half of the population. As one travels northward and eastward, 
their number grows proportionately fewer. In no case have we anything but rough 
estimates to submit, and even such estimates are not available for many cities where 
fair sized populations of Mexicans are known to exist. We submit the following data, 
which in comparison with other estimates will be seen to be quite conservative: 


Table 1. Mexican and Spanish-American population. 


THESES. gudiotehs caeereuskaoro eo 1d Dee 550,000 MICH ISAT ccpeute tye inacestntarossuoreketete gery: 4,000 
COTOnMIA Ee se ake ee so 2s ces 05000 INebras Kas as a2 aiaccuesosreeus peters ors 5,000 
IN GiWatlVEOX COirra sts cute nclsieicrecs scart "sl ei 180,000 IWICSER VALEIN IAN cuctmca cone «ane ore caer. 5,000 
WOLOLAC Ome Mere SRE eicners Seve sue e's 70,000 PennsylVamia. ci srs. teres «. «success 5,000 
JNIEUATINEY. hc Od chew eSle Cone 60,000 HDi WON ESW tet cnet een oe oye Senas ac coor 15,000 
CAM Sa ater erate Coeerodea a Gieisrs Sas dees 40,000 


In addition there are unestimated numbers in such states as Minnesota, the Dakotas, 
Iowa, Wyoming, Montana, Missouri, Indiana, Ohio, and other neighboring states. A 
number of our leading cities have large Mexican colonies: 


IDOE! ANMEENGER ologabcococaovcbcooas 125,000 SRIEO ILS: ein chats ahr eR Se eee 2,000 
Sin. JATa Woy eBG) Go an ole Oe I eee 65,000 INGWwalkee. (oh. wee aiecae so chebaentels 2,000 
1D TERE) A ership ope ae Cee eee io eee 50,000 Detroit) cinerea cos enol 8,000 
GICAS Ober erccocckohe ene tis eters abens. 6 8,000 GAR VAR tyson Crete Heo Rote ce aici et ane 2,000 
SaTiMLrall CLs COmremaseteteie is .cee cree sie 7,000 “indiana Harbor <2... 1.2 .e esse. 8,000 
IRDICtSDUT OMe | eee one sa eons 3,000 we Se eee 1,000 
IN(@SWEL Ke renee Set here reic oi sheet anetale Gs 2,000 PNMGORO SHE | Cras niteeO inane. choo ci. cickcid’s lst 1,400 


Los Angeles, El Paso and San Antonio are the three great centers from which the 
Mexican immigrants radiate to the rest of the country, while San Francisco, Denver, 
St. Louis, and Chicago may be taken as subsidiary centers. 


The Tide of Immigration 


Before 1909, the immigration from Mexico was not large. The records over the 
preceding period of ten years show that less than 9000 crossed the border. From that 
period on there is evident a constant increase until 1925, with an increase again for the 
dehemeer over the one immediately preceding. 


Table Il. Mexican Immigration and Emigration. 


Year Immigration Emigration 
LOL Oe erete are ots Risiera lols eae avs ares Mapenetete 17,760 

OL. SESE OAC 18,784 

OL 2 Rrarmecpctctc rene teve tous, sce ayi0: 0:'o.f evens ker chetehs 22,001 

OL Se fer tcrace nies 6 cso dora als: s-ouete elon 10,954 

OD Ae te crBemets etree p lites bore arare anette 13,089 

HL OL Dyeeerstepe ter secce ctciace o nssie sso vcetavaree are 10,993 

LOD Gaerretercte rec retetcvase coy vee extis fee ererene 17,198 

LD EY 5s sscecout SRO IRONIC ERROR 0.6.00 16,438 

LOL Sreemeter cree ase erecaies. <ociles a eee acetone 17,602 25,048 
GL Spares Aeleitc fate sis Dieke sapere wy sireronete 28,844 17,793 
IRAs caooe Rete So aes ee e Oe eee 51,042 6,412 
G2 Peeves te Seine Ae siaucasnale dos heeavevenelons 29,603 5,519 
1g 2 eters 6:5 aycishe 0. Mare cal Rupee tells ae 18,246 5,770 
1923. Oo esc ee os + TROT | 62,709 2,479 
VO D4 ire. Sekar sia rctofexer eee Os .5s PPG Sieh A 87,648 1,878 
AG 2 Bipervctve'e sre ce Saneu ICID OR ey Sue 32,378 2,875 
PASS oA Coto D Oc Rlertcsisis sie sle orien to, 099 2,158 


Over the same period of 14 years from 1910 to 1924 there was an increase in immi- 
gration of 393%. During the last nine years, it is worth noting that there was a de- 
crease in emigration of 87.3%. 

5 


The cause of this great exodus from Mexico is undoubtedly due to aj combination of 
contemporary events on both sides of the border. With the opening of hostilities in 
Europe, a sudden and enormous impetus was given to industry. Factories, mines, trans- 
portation, and agriculture were speeded up. Thousands were pressed into military 
service thereby depleting the States in man power. 


Coupled with the great and ever increasing need for labor was the virtual cessation 
of emigration from Europe. To meet this crisis, the government let down, the immigra- 
tion bars in the matter of contract labor, the literacy test, and the head tax. After the 
war, there followed a brilliant industrial period in building, industry, transportation’ and 
agriculture. The government development of irrigation projects has made wide areas 
available for agriculture involving vast quantities of casual labor. The quota law which 
went into effect July 1, 1924, was not made applicable to the Mexicans or other nationals 
on the Western hemisphere. But it did contain a provision placing a $10 visa fee on 
the Mexican immigrant. However, increase in beet, cotton, and fruit acreage and the 
widespread custom of diversified farming has caused Mexican labor to be more in de- 
mand than ever, especially in view of restricted immigration from Europe. This ac- 
counts for the enormously increased immigration in 1923 and 1924, as well as the con- 
tinual increase shown in 1926 over 1925. 


On the other side of the border, the immediate cause for emigration is to be found 
in the period of unrest preceding the fall of President Diaz in 1911. As noted above, 
mass emigration from Mexico began about 1910. For nearly 15 years Mexico was in a 
chronic state of revolution. Agriculture and industry were almost completely destroyed; 
property, and life itself were not secure with contending armies sweeping across the 
country. One Mexican declares that after the visit of the revolutionists which resulted 
in the confiscation of all he had, there seemed nothing else for him to do but come to 
the States. In view of the strongly idealistic temperament of the people fhiemselves— 
mystical, impractical, beauty-loving, improvident, peace-loving—it is not difficult to un- 
derstand why the Mexican turned his face and his footsteps northward. A home, plenty 
of work, good pay, peace and security, good schools and an open door—all formed an 


appeal not easily resisted. 
Tegel 
Immigration 


But the report of Mexican immigration into the States does not end by any means 
with the statistics of the immigration officials. Dr. George P. Clements, Manager of the 
Department of Agriculture of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, makes the state- 
ment that 80% of our entire Mexican working population has entered this country il- 
legally. An immigrant official remarks that he has to shut his eyes to keep from “kick- 
ing the Mexicans off the street’ when he goes to his office in the morning. I. F. Wixon, 
Chief Inspector of Immigration Service, spent three or four weeks in the Imperial Valley 
in January, 1926, visiting camps and talking personally with the Mexican workers rela- 
tive to this matter. Upon the basis of his investigation, he stated that 70% to 75% of 
those in that particular section have entered illegally. The most conservative estimate 
secured was that of an immigration official in El Paso. He placed the number of Qgyp 
SB Mexicans at 50%. 121@$ 


417 €Zd) 

The task of rounding up ae Mexican and deporting him is seen at once 
to be an insuperable one, both from their apparent numbers and the expense entailed. 
Furthermore, the hue raised by the employer of labor is a factor to be reckoned with. In 
view of the complication of the situation, a plan has been put into execution in the Im- 
perial Valley, but the agreement is purely verbal; no written document exists. The plan 
is to register all Mexicans who can read Spanish or English, to arrange for them to 
secure evidence of their Mexican -birth, and to allow them to pay the visa tax and the 
head tax, a total of $18 on the installment plan. Those who have been in this country 
five years or more, even though they have entered illegally, are not liable to deportation. 
These are given a statement as to their residence in the United States, which will ex- 
empt them from any further interference. The result is interesting. The plan is still 
in the stage of an experiment, but in the first three months, 3300 Mexicans’ illegal en- 


a) 


tries had registered, of whom 58 had paid up in full. An additional 900 here illegally five 


years or more received their pass-books. 


ee: AIICZAN Mp he / PANT 
All the blame for the presence of the Mexicarfmust not rest upon his own 


shoulders. He is encouraged to enter through a combination of circumstances including 
conditions in Mexico, glowing promises on the part of many who seek his labor, and, 
on the part of some as a pretext for sending: him back across when: they: wish to “jump 
a contract” or agreement. The latter is illustrated by an incident near Brownsville 
Where a cotton grower “quarreled” with a Mexican laborer just before cotton harvest 
and later had the man deported thus depriving him of his promised wages—consisting 


623 


INSERT 


Summed up, therefore, thefactors which might seem to 
indicate that immigration in the future may be stimulated, 
are the following: 

{1) The quota upon inmigretion from countries of the old 
worlde 

(2) The insistent demand upon the part of various organiza- 
tions of the southwest thet present restrictions be 
lessenéd. 

(3) The developrent of new areas, calling Por 4n increased 
labor supply. 

(49 The labor shortege which is already producing a cai- 
pe titive demand for the casual laborere 


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of the cotton crop on ten acres. The consul took the case to court and won for the 
Mexican. Other Mexican consuls interviewed complained of similar instances and one 
remarked that he rather doubted if there were any honest cotton-growers.; 


Will He Continue to Come? 


The problem of future immigration is one of the burning questions of the Southwest. 
So far the matter is in the balance. The pendulum of public opinion swings all the way 
from unlimited immigration through varying degrees of limitation to the other extreme 
of absolute exclusion. There are several factors which tend toward the lessening of even 
the present limited immigration: 

(1) The Mexican government does not look with favor upon the wholesale emigra- 
tion of its nationals, for it does not approve the idea of ten per cent of its people living 
under a foreign flag. The government therefore is constantly encouraging their return 
by active colonization programs. 

(2) Conditions in Mexico are upon the upward trend, and more and more the dom- 
inant incentives for emigration are lessening. Increasingly Mexico will need her labor- 
ers. More work, more wages, better conditions for the workman, better schools, better 
political conditions spelling peace and safety—all these will tend to keep. Mexicans at 
home. 

. (3) In this country, organized labor is bringing great pressure to bear upon the 
problem. The American Federation of Labor and the Mexican Federation of Labor 
have united upon a program of study looking toward limited emigration and immigra- 
tion. The theory is advanced that heretofore all efforts have been repressive, to control 
immigration. Now the principle of self-control is to be dominant, and an effort is to be 
made to keep people at hime. 

(4) Social problems incident to the presence of so many Mexicans, have given rise 
to the alarm expressed in the statement that “the Southwest is being Mexicanized.” How 
far this will retard immigration is problematical. 

(5) The Committee on Immigration and Naturalization of the - seems to favor 
limited immigration from MexicoG@_y cutie wt Onrveuntk 4 Aree GA Cop 

Judging from the protest made by industrial leaders in the southwest at the very 4 
idea of placing a quota upon Mexican immigration, causes one to realize that there is 
another side to the question. The hearing before the Committee on Immigration wrichely 
Naturalization of the House, covers 308 pages, and contains the testimonies of 35 men, 
each representing numerous groups of associations and organizations of the North, 
Central and Southwest portions of the country. These men are a unit in their protest 
against any action by Congress which shall in any way curtail the supply of labor. Los 
Angeles, which has more Mexicans than any other city of the world, except Mexico City, 
is keenly alive to the social problems of dependency and delinquency, and yet the 
Chamber of Commerce of that city is on record as opposed to placing the quota law on 
Mexico, and in favor of removing the visa tax as well as the head tax. “Californians 
Incorporated” this year has raised $400,000 for its development program; whence the 
necessary labor, if not from Mexico? S. Parker Frisselle, Chairman of the Fresno 
Chamber of Commerce, backed by’ the California Federation of Farm Bureaus, and the 
California Development Association, stated before the House Committee that the immi- 
gration act of 1924 had cut down Mexican immigration 65%, making a shortage of labor 
for 1925. Only 75% of the needs of the San Joaquin Valley were supplied last year. 
The prospects of the future he paints as very dark. WS elr 

It seems quite clear that it is the popular conviction in this country that the Mexi- 
can immigrant is a necessary evil to do our “dirty work.” When asked, “Is it true that 
the white race will not do its own menial labor?” Prof. Samuel J. Holmes, of the Uni- 
versity of California answered, “Yes, it seems to be true; and I feel that it is a sign that 
our race, or any race with such an attitude is going out of existence. A race which does 
not do its own menial labor is doomed.” 


CHAPTER II. 
Under the Mexican Hat. 


“Not Spanish, please, Mexican!” 

The speaker was a light-complexioned, blue-eyed young man who was quietly insist- 
ing upon his Mexican traditions, and his Mexican loyalty. And his American friend knew 
L,. Well..that.he.was.a.Mexican, but thought that he would compliment him, by 

refexming..to him.as Spanish! i + se gE ARERR RENE 
se dndthis.isethe -generaksimpression - among~Agnericans aise ers alseeeeitae southwest. 
d-and mendedy~by some - SND mee EI he 

ceases:toxbe-what he has-been, and=becomes» Spanish!.. Sepmongen ioe ee Cor 


7 


When Cortes and his band of buccaneers conquered Mexico, they left their women 
behind them. The racial pride which kept pure the blood of the pilgrims, was not a 
potent factor with the Spanish, and as a result, there was a great infusion of blood. The 
Mexican of today is a mixture of Indian and Spanish strains, with the former largely 
predominating. And the point which must be kept in mind by every student of Mexican 
affairs either north or south of the line, is the fact that the Mexican is far more proud 
of his Indian than he is of his Spanish blood. His eye lights with fire, and his pulses 
tingle to recall the lofty heroism of Cuartemoc in the last wild defense of Tenochtitlan; 
he is not proud of the race that soaked the stoie chieftan’s feet in oil, and then roasted 
them over a slow fire, to extort from him the hiding: place of the Aztec’s gold. It is no 
compliment to a Mexican to call him ‘‘Spanish.” 

But it is necessary to understand this infusion of blood, as a preliminary to a fair 
critique of the social and economic problems presented by the Mexican immigrant in the 
United States. Is Mexico in turmoil? Are there revolutions? Indeed, the very corpus- 
cles, Spanish and Indian, fight together as they surge through his veins! 

The Indian of Mexico passed rapidly from a paternalistic, tribal form of government, 
to one in which a small aristocracy ruled in an autocratic manner. Because no good 
Spanish, catholic soldier would run the risk of dying upon the battle-field unshriven, the 
priests from the very first accompanied the army of conquest, and the church claimed 
its share of the spoils. Thus the autocratic form of government which was organized, 
__was dual—state and church linked-together for the exploitation of the people. — bate 


Vit 


Going It Alone. va 

This autocratic government and the system of virtual 
slavery under which he lived for three hundred years, 
robbed the Mexican of 211 opportunity for personal respon- 
‘Sibility and the cultivation of orgenizang, ebility.,. Othe rs 
have always been charged with dime tional -agtivit tesy°andg 
“thea pit df his lite, tharerore, ha: been reduced to @ very 
smal] circle, of which he himself is the center. He has had 
to look out for himself, and has never learned that spirit 
of team play which is the child of democracy. ‘henhe’ sings 
he often sings solos. When he plays on a temm, he wants to 
be the star performmr. , 5 / 

Only of late has he hed the chance to organize and to work 
cooperatively, hence he often finds it difficult to shire with 
others the profits or the honors gained through cooperation. 
It is said that he is naturally suspicious, which is inevitabl 
because he has had to ddfend the citadel of his individualis 
against all comers, This autocratic system, moreover, has yet 
the father on the family throne, so that Ross cites "mseulnis 
as one of the ills from which Mexico suffers. / 


j 
WY AER fy CULE UC Uy EPR VY WI NIUY ULE hE ULE Ue aaa RE RS ee pe ee yee OOO Es a2uUuic as uv DLL 


ter winter season for which provision must be made, and so the Mexican has learned the 
habit of living from hand to mouth. 

A third reason for his lack of initiative, has been the ifistability of property in 
Mexico, due to revolutions and banditry. In the early days of the viceroys vast treasures 
of gold and silver were brought overland to Vera Cruz, and shipped to Madrid, and to 
Rome. This movement of treasure inspired piracy on the sea, and banditry on the 
land. Acquisitiveness suffers a severe set-back, when what has been saved is lost in a 
night. 











Love of Beauty 


Back in the old Indian days before the conquest, the Toltecs offered as sacrifices 
upon their altars to their gods, the choicest blossoms gathered from their gardens. The 
lofty mountains, the purple! sunsets, the graceful witchery of the trees, the beauty of 
river and lake, made their indelible impression upon the Mexican soul, and have created 
a sense of beauty, both appreciative and expressional, of which we too seldom take ac- 
count. Teachers of Mexican children are often both surprised and delighted to note the 
signs of real artistic talent upon the part of their pupils. An artist of repute was visit- 
ing a school in California, which was fifty per cent. Mexican. She was interested in some 
landscape work which the children were doing, and asked to be allowed to take home the 
work of the entire class. The next day she brought back five which she had selected 
as being the best in design and appreciation of color. It was interesting to note that 
four out of the five sketches were the work of Mexican children. This artistic sense 
has manifested itself as well in music, as in art. It will be remembered that the orches- 
tra from Mexico City won all honors at the Panama Exposition at San Francisco, while 
the Mexican “Orquesta Tipica”’ which occasionally comes up from the capital is heard 
with real delight by all music lovers. 

Beauty? It sanctifies the drab life of the Mexican, surrounds with a halo the dull 
work with pick and shovel, and glorifies even the lowly huts of trade and barter. Who 
in a Mexican district has not seen little stores with their blue-lettered signs—‘The Light- 
house,” “The Future,” “The Dream’? 


His Philosopiiy is Good, and the World is Large.” 

_ POY a Pight wrderstanding “or the Bdeial she Sébnonic 
factors..as. they relate to wages, work, housing, indigency: 
and delinquency, "it! might be “well for us also to’know |. 
sam thing. of the. sexigsn's.philogophy of lifes This imayis <b 
bé' Gesdribed ‘as amixture of contradictory elements iq joo. 
woah we hineelgine’ his .profound,..imnate. religious sensay:? 
with ‘a lpene rel ;obut indefinite faith 1A Cd ead eT ao 
edb mage AE ckhe. Rude rf, the aneeecke ele esd Whaidthe Mexican 
aisthedin of) optimism! in dois 'ou'tl ook whieh Streipely enous 
id° OftGH*tiligd with fatalism. ‘Thus he resigns himself to 
the difficult and m@t bitter sxperiences of life. Speak- 
ing generally, he is an optimist and possesses a great, 
capagity for happiness, Often he Gal1a his shop "El 
Contentoe™ caicnd rmine h ‘dress. If i hol 

6) now WHET ‘boss on under the Mexigon's hat, is absolute 
ly essential toy a proper understanding of ‘his reactions to 
American “institutions and American idesls.. But does not 
sugh sn andernstanding also awaken us to a realization of 
the faot, thatthe iexicam igmigrant may have sone other 
contribution to make to American life besides that of 
muscle and brawn? noug 


proficient at practically every crop. Aside ‘pale mining industries in Arizona and 


Colorado, the Southwest where the Mexican foyym@ie most part lives is distinctively an 
agricultural region. Much of the wealth and prosperity of this area has been due to the 
magic touch of water, and the no less magic touch of the hand of the seasonal laborer. 


In spite of her boasted climate, her tourists, her blue seas, and her purple mountains, 
California owes most of her wealth and her prosperity to her agriculture. No where in 
the world is the agriculture so highly diversified, or so highly specialized. There are 
many states where the grip of winter deadens the fields; but there is no month of the 
year when some crop is not being harvested in California. 


The Mexican Casual. 


In a recent address given at Pomona College, Dr. George P. Clements, manager of 
the Agricultural Department of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, called attention 
to the fact that the more highly specialized our agriculture becomes, the greater is the 
demand for seasonal or casual labor. He stated that the Mexican laborer, if he only 
realized it, has California agricultura and industry in the hollow of his hand. Most of 
the casual labor on the farms of the State is done by the Mexicans, and all of the indus- 
tries realize their absolute dependence upon him. 

Miss Georgiana Carden, State Supervisor of Attendance, Department of Public In- 
struction, Sacramento, has worked out a schedule for migrant Mexican labor in the 
State. She calls attention to the fact that this type of labor follows two great swirls— 
in the north the San Francisco swirl about 50% Mexican and in the south the Los 
Angeles swirl 100% Mexican. 

That you may know at any time just where to find Mr. Martinez, let us have before 
us the table which pictures these two great movements of crop followers: 


TABLE Ill. MOVEMENTS OF CALIFORNIA CASUALS. 

Los Angeles Swirl San Francisco Swirl 
Marcela. .ceitmitiee js. =< seein Beans and beet thinning..... March 15—May 1—Asparagus 
May 20—June 30. .....000... Apricots and fruits in in delta. 

lower San Joaquin....... May 15—Cherries. 
Grapes: «ala gee sere eee May 20—June 3—Apricots. 
Septem ber are csterce encwer etek. Cotton—Walnuts ~....- se. 6. July-August—Peaches, Grapes. 
NOVI: DET. sire. . tel remabetenens «tres Navels® . . . cope ceuetereits cenpenes September-October—Prunes. 
JADUWATY Saeeee: «sos seeks sree Malen cias | J). suerets ce aneiter ars Sept. 20—Oct.—Tomatoes. 


In California the grape harvest takes place from July to November, and requires 
73,000 cars to transport the crop to market. It is estimated that it takes the work of 
15 men for a day to produce a carload of grapes, or a total of 1,095,000 man days to bring 
the California grape crop to market. Estimating the season as of 180 days, this would 
represent an army of more than 6000 grape workers. 

Canteloupes come from May to July, and melons from June to November requiring 
20,000 cars. Brawley at the head of the Imperial Valley in California, ships from 10,000 
to 12,000 car loads of canteloupes to eastern markets every year. Deciduous. fruits run 
from April 15th to November 15th and fill 25,000 cars. Oranges and lemons which are 
handled all the year and represent 55,000 to 60,000 cars, with four workers to a car per 
day. Lettuce demands 10,000 cars in Imperial Valley, and 21,000 cars in the whole 
Southwest, with all-year production. All perishables represent 240,000 cars, with an 
average of 10 men per day to a car. These crops must be gotten to market, each at its 
own time, and the demand for casual labor is, therefore, sharp and insistent during the 
harvest and entirely disappears when the crop has been gathered. This great range in 
season and diversity of crops results in the following monthly demands on casual labor 
in California according to estimates made by Dr. Clements: 


TABLE IV. EMPLOYMENT AND IDLENESS—CALIFORNIA CASUALS. 


Year representing 100% -Idle 
Januaryand Hebruarye. asec 10.9% 11.8% 
Marehgand April: jaime 15.8% 6.9% 
May and. JUNG 5.2. <<. ce oe ene 20.8% 1.9% 
Julysand=eAugust=.... sae cei 22.7% 
september, and October. jeer. 18.2% 4.5% 
November and December...... 11.6% 11.1% 


Taking July and August as representing the peak for seasonal labor at 22.7, there is 
not only no idle casual labor, but the demand is even greater than the supply. In Janu- 
ary the demand is 10.9, leaving the remaining 11.8 idle. The idle proportion diminishes 
until it disappears the middle of the summer, and then gradually increases until the 
idle proportion is at its maximum about Christmas time. 

A brief study of these figures immediately brings us to the conclusion that our casual 
labor in California is idle 34.70 of its possible working time. This would present an ime 
possible situation were it not for the fact that actually from 20 to 30% of the laborer’s 
time is now spent in moving from district to district in search of employment. While 
this mitigates the problem of delinquency which idleness would inevitably bring, it is at 
the same time economically wasteful, if not disastrous to the casual laborer. It is true 
that he moves from place to place in a secondhand Ford car, but it is true also that he 
spends most of the little that he has been able to save in moving to the next job, or in 
looking for it, when it cannot be found. 


102 





Cattle, copper and cotton sum up the most important of the industries in Arizona. 
Copper, of course, furnishes more or less continuous work for the Mexican) all the year 
round, and his migrancy in the mining districts is due more to the disposition of the 
Mexican than to the irregularity of the work. The same problems attending the cotton 
situation in California are prevalent in the Salt River Valley around Phoenix. Thousands 
of acres of desert land were brot under cultivation thru the building of the Roosevelt 
Dam, and cotton has been the principal crop. The cotton is mostly picked by family 
labor. The different Mexican groups camp by the side of the field, either in tents or 
shacks provided by the grower. The work is all piece work, and it is necessary that the 
whole family should work in order to provide a living wage. Various experiments have 
been made, by the cotton growers of the Salt River Valley of Arizona in the matter of a 
labor supply. Once negroes were introduced from Oklahoma, but the attitude of the 
growers toward this type of labor is well illustrated by a remark of one of the officials 
of Growers Association who said “If the Lord will ever forgive us for bringing in these 
coons, we never will do it again.” This past year between 2000 and 3000 Porto Rican 
negroes were imported. Reports would indicate that they have done fairly satisfactory 
work, but the book is not finished when we conclude the economic chapter. The Porto 
Rican is an American citizen. His standards of living and his educational qualifications 
for citizenship are not superior to those of the Mexican, and his presense as an American 
citizen, sub-normal in his customs and mental fitness, and his attitude toward American 
ideals is one which might well make us pause. It is a question whether in the importa- 
tion of this large group of Porto Ricans, we are not paying too much for our cotton. 

Mr. C. M. Achauer, Secretary-Treasurer of the Arizona Cotton Growers Association 
of Phoenix, Arizona, states?’ “The Mexican is far superior to the negro as an agricultural 
worker in Arizona. He will do as he is told, while the negro always wants to do it his 
way. The Mexican is more responsive to supervision than the negro.. 

The Mexican is happy and satisfied with a living wage or better, and the negro is 
not. The negro is more of a trouble maker. Authority, as a rule, does not go to the 
head of the Mexican as it does to the negro. A Mexican can be made foreman over 
other Mexicans and will have his entire crew satisfied and working steadily, while a 
negro foreman, drunk with authority, causes immediate dissatisfaction even among his 
own people and causes them to seek employment elsewhere. A comparitive test of 
negro and Mexican workers, was made by the Arizona Cotton Growers Assn. in the fall 
of 1920 during the cotton picking season. The experiment was made with 3194 Mexicans, 
130 Indians, and 210 Negroes. (The Negroes were brot from Oklahoma). The Negroes 
caused the officers in the valley to make more arrests than the Mexicans and Indians 
together. They also caused the Association more trouble than the others.” 


The low price of cotton during the past two years has caused the agricultural inter- 
ests of Arizona to make an effort to limit the total output of acreage. As a result much 
land which had gone into cotton has been converted to lettuce. This has been a most 
helpful move, for it has furnished employment to Mexican laborers after the cotton crop 
was harvested, and has also tended to relieve the glutted condition of the market. 


In the Beet Fields. 


Three hundred and twenty freight trains, 50 box cars, are each all loaded with beet 
sugar! The total in 190 pound bags would be 3,000,000, and in pounds 8,000,000. This 
huge bulk of sweetness noeee han” thedeek eer, of sugar turned out by the Great Western 
Sugar Co. in 1924. Not less than acres are in beets in Colorado, and this huge 
industry employs thousands of Mexican casual laborers. A great deal of work is done 
by Spanish-Americans from Colorado and New Mexico, but an increasing demand is 
being made on the labor markets of Texas for Mexican immigrants. Formerly most of 
the hand work in the beets of Colorado was done by Russian-Germans, but very largely 
this type of labor is being displaced by the Mexican immigrant. As an American farmer 
stated recently “After one of these Russian-Germans has been in the beet fields two 
years, he tells the farmer to go to hell and buys himself a farm.” The farmer does not 
go where he is told, but he does stay in Colorado and employs a Mexican family in the 
place of-the Russian-German. 


Most of the Mexican laborers for Colorado are recruited in the large cities of Texas. 
Transportation by railroad is furnished by the sugar company. The Mexicans are taken 
to a point of embarkation, where they are met by the labor agent. They are then loaded 
into the cars, a certain amount of personal belongings, and even furniture being taken 
for each family. These personal belongings are segregated according to districts to 
which the family goes, and are switched off the trains at sidings at convenient places. 
The growers who have contracted for the labor, meet their hands at the railroad stations 
and haul them and their belongings to the shacks or houses which have been prepared 
for them. When the season, which iasts from late in April or early in May until No- 


ial 


vember, is over, the migratory laborers drift into the large cities of Colorada in search 
cf employment which will tide them over the cold months, or stay in the shacks and 
cribs which they have occupied. There is an increasing tendency on the part of the 
Great Western Sugar Co., to stabilize this type of labor, and some really worth while 
work has been done by this Company in persuading the people to construct two-room 
adobe houses. Some effort also has been made to provide companion industries for the 
beets, so that there will be sufficient employment to keep the Mexican hands busy during 
the months when there is no work in the beet fields. An effort to do the same thing 
has also been cited in the introduction of lettuce in the Salt River Valley. Cotton also 
is taking the place of thousands of acres of grapes in the San Joaquin Valley in California, 
in order that the employers of labor may hold the Mexicans after the grape harvest is 
over. There thus results in California a vigorous competition between the cotton grower 
of the San Joaquin Valley and the citrus industry in the south for Mexican labor. 


Down in Dixie. 


While the beet worker journeys to the fields of Colorado on the train, he finds his 
way to the cotton fields of Texas in a broken down Ford. As one secondhand dealer in 
a large city of Texas remarked: “If it were not for these damn Mexicans, we couldn’t 
sell our junk”. Anything that has four wheels, and); can cough and spit along the road 
is loaded to the guards with mattresses, bedding, pails and clothing, and is then piled 
high with Méxican children. One passes them along the road fixing a tire which has 
long outlived its usefulness, or trying to coax life back into an ignition system which 
leaks at a dozen places. Sometimes they park on the main street of a town enroute, 
while the Mexican mother provides luncheon for a dozen hungry mouths. She can be 
seen using the running board for a bread board, cutting bread into huge slices, smearing 
it over with delectable jam and passing it up to the eagerly outstretched ‘hands of the 
Mexican children atop the mattresses and the bedding. 

The destination of these cotton pickers, as they journey northward from San An- 
tonio, is often determined definitely by the longevity of the Ford car. Where the Ford 
breaks down, there the family works; frequently earning enough money either to make 
it possible for them to buy another car to get back to San Antonio, or to provide the 
first payment of rent on a little house where they plan to spend the winter. 


In Michigan and Ohio. 


The beet industry has provided also a casual labor problem for Michigan and Ohio. 
Labor agencies recruit the workers in Texas exactly as they are recruited for the fields 
of Colorado. Many of these workers, and all of those who go for the first season do not 
understand the rigors of the northern climate to which they journey, and this often 
results in much real suffering after the beet harvest; is over. 

One of our surveyors in Detroit writes: 

“Those coming to Michigan are from the farm laboring class, known in Mexico as 
“peons” and known among the Detroit workmen as ‘“‘spicks”. They come here seeking 
a better livelihood and a few as political exiles. Most of them come directly from 
Mexico but some have lived in Texas some time. The beet fields of Northern Michigan 
draw them. Often their railroad fare is paid and their jobs are secured in advance, 
companies having sent their agents to Mexico to recruit the necessary help. This is, 
of course, contract labor and tho it is a matter of common knowledge, the writer could 
not discover a trace of an attempted prosecution. In the late fall the beet season is 
ended and the Mexican comes to Detroit, Flint, and Pontiac, for the winter. Many 
remaining, others going back home, but few back to the beet fields.” 


On the Railroads 


It might be thought that the railroads would provide stabilized labor for Mexican 
workmen; but the Santa Fe while employing a total of 14,300 Mexicans on all of its 
lines reports a turnover of 300% each year among its track laborers. Part of this turn- 
over is due to the fact that there is more activity in railroad repair and. construction 
work in the summer than during the winter, and part of it is due to the fact: that the 
Mexican with a desire to better himself, works with one eye on the job he has and the 
other eye on the job he hopes to have. Most of the railroad companies have the habit 
of housing the migrant laborer in boxcars set upon a siding. No packing is necessary, 
and the faces of the children do not even need to be washed when it is time to move 
the family to a new location. 

Practically all of the railroads of the country are experimenting in the use of the 
Mexican laborer. The Rock Island states, “Of course, the preponderance of Mexicans 
are employed in the maintenance department, on the right-of-way and in the mechanical 
department, but we have men of this nationality in a great many other branches of our 
service.” 


12 


eae © ip 














Insert. 
@rievous social losses are suffered by the 
(failure to follow up family case work. Here 
better housing end more favorably surround- 
ings ought to be furnished, One worker re- 
ports encouraging progress in placing 
‘Smilies in better homesand better neighbor- 
oods, when such families seem to be in the 
jood to appreciate or demand better houses 

ia community privileges. 
iIn a family so placed a little girl of nine 
fears of age personally dusted all the walls 


like the other houses about them.” ‘The boy 


and paste, so that he might look clean like 
pther children. 


8 we ll as the furniture, giving as her reason, 
» ~ 8aid they must keep the new house clean 


! ; ano the r family asked for 4 comb, tooth brush 





SS mS ECC eee eee 


The Denver & Rio Grande reports 3000 Mexicans employed, 1000 of whom are con- 
sidered as seasonal labor, which means that the railroad employs a minimum of 2000 
during the winter season. WHighty-three per cent of these are roadway labor, 244'% road- 
way foremen, 7% station and transfer labor, 7% mechanical department. One-half of 
this latter group are semi-skilled. 

The Great Northern Railway Co., and the Pennsylvania Railroad both report the 
employment of Mexicans in varying numbers, while the Southern Pacific System reports 
16,528 Mexicans employed upon its various lines. 

Some of the large railroad systems have associated with them, “supply companies”, 
which are not only responsible for recruiting the necessary Mexican labor, but also 
have the privilege of catering to that labor after it is employed. These supply companies 
run stores near the railroad shops, and along the company’s lines, selling everything 
from a pound of sugar to a pair of boots. Arrangements are made with the company 
pay office so that the supply company\ can keep books for the laborer, paying him the 
balance of the amount due him after deducting the cost of his supplies during the 
month. 

The evils of this system can be readily understood. It is claimed by some of the 
Mexican laborers that the supplies are poor in quality and high in price, and complaints 
are made that unless a laborer trades at the supply company store, his tenure of his 
job becomes very insecure. 


Social Losses 


Practically all of the agricultural industries which are employing Mexican labor are 
agreed in their conviction that this type of labor must be fluid, and that it must move 
rapidly from one location to another as the demands of the maturing crops dictate. 
Economically this is gainful, socially it is disastrously wasteful in its effect upon educa- 
tion, religious life, the work of social agencies, and indeed upon any effort which is made 
toward the assimilation of the foreigner. Attention will be called later on to the retarda- 
tion which is caused among Mexican children due to their work in the beet harvest of 
Colorado. In spite of compulsory educational laws of all of the states where Mexicans 
live, there are literally thousands of Mexican children who do not go to school. This is 
notably true in Texas where racial prejudice is strongest, and it is true in Arizona and 
California, both of which commonwealths boast of their progressive school systems. 
There seems to be a feeling prevalent in most mixed communities of the Southwest that 
the Mexican is a laborer, here today and somewhere else tomorrow, and the responsi- 
bility for him rests in no degree whatsoever upon the community where he may chance 
to be working for the moment. As one school superintendent of a Colorado city is 
quoted as saying “these Mexicans are here only for the beet season anyway, sO we can- 
not be expected to waste any effort in getting them into school.” In a city in the San 
Joaquin Valley of 12,000 population a teacher in a school where there are Mexican chil- 
dren, reports a Mexican turnover of 40% every month of the school year. Figures have 
been compiled to show that retardation is very much greater among the children of sea- 
sonal laborers than among other groups. In a study made in Colorado, it was found that 
60% contract labor as against 29% of the farm children were retarded. It has also been 
found that the retardation with any child increases as the family continues in seasonal 
labor. 

In fact it is impossible to expect that the public schools would make any progress 
with Mr. Martinez’s children when he moves so constantly from place to place. In many 
towns when the truant officer catches up with the family, it is only to be told that they 
are moving the next day or the next week: to a new locality. 

Hqually as disastrous are the effects upon the work of the churches. A Mexican boy 
no sooner makes a beginning in Sunday School, or has become a member of a club, when 
his father has finished the work in that particular locality and’ is moving on to another 
crop. One of our churches discovered that in a Sunday School which averaged an at- 
tendance of 75 each Sunday for the year, there were 642 different names upon the roll 
during the entire year. Most of our denominational superintendents realize that if a 
church is left without a pastor, or without active work for a period, of six months that 
practically all of the members will have evaporated, and the work will have to be begun 
anew. Just to hold its own, a church must receive about 20% of its Seer each 

& 


calendar year. 

The impression which school, church, and social agencies mfake upon these little 
children of migratory laborers is fieeting and temporary at bestf It is natural that the 
parents of these children should feel there is very little use in interesting them in any 
community enterprise, when they realize their abode in the locality is so indefinite. 

In making a final evaluation of Mexican labor, the social as well as the economic fac- 
tors must be considered. Our civilization is established upon our homes, and if we are 
promoting any economic system which tends to destroy the home, we are drawing too 
heavily upon our bank account. We cannot afford to sweeten our coffee or clothe our 


13 


backs at the expense of those spiritual values, without which a nation cannot endure. 
The Mexican casual makes a real contribution to the wealth of the Southwest, and he 
has a right to demand that industry work out some plan whereby his residence shall be 
stabilized, and the permanency of his home shall be assured. 

This is not an insurmountable difficulty, but it will demand cooperation of a higher 
order than has been seen up to the present time. 

There is a question also as to the economic value involved in this mobility of casual 
labor. The industries using this type of labor all want the Mexicans plentiful and hungry 
when the demand begins; plentiful in order that the wage scale may be low, and hungry 
that they may be more docile upon the job. Due to the improvident nature of the Mexi- 
cans themselves, there is little thought as to how the family is to live after the industry 
has stopped issuing pay checks. One of the reasons why Mexicans are preferred over 
other nationals is the fact that they spend their money as fast as they get it, and thus 
keep it in circulation. 

After the season is over, these Mexicans are pretty largely dependent on funds of 
the social agencies, such as those supported by the Community Chests and the Associated 
Charities. The time is coming when some economist who can see farther than the 
season in question will begin to inquire how large a subsidy is paid each year by the 
various social agencies to the producers of walnuts, beet sugar, oranges, grapes and 
cotton. 

The Lure of the Lights 

All employers of casual labor indicate that there is a tendency to move to the city 
after the season’s work is done. There are five reasons for this: first, when the Mexican 
father is out of work his mind turns to the city where he can pick up odd jobs, and his 
children having been out of school he is anxious that they should have the best advan- 
tages which are available. Second, the Mexican is naturally gregarious, and he loves 
companionship. This is evidenced by the fact that where his job may be he naturally 
gathers with his fellows and fondly speaks of his group as the “colony.” Third, there is 
more adequate housing in the city than in the country districts, especially when the 
chilly nights and mornings of the California winter come on. Fourth, the Mexican while 
he is an agriculturist, does not seem particularly to love the out of doors. The lure of 
the lights has a compelling power upon him, and he naturally moves to the city where 
he can satisfy this longing. And the fifth, is the fact.that the Mexican realizes that if 
he gets in desperate circumstances because of lack of funds there are far more agencies 
in the city which are organized to look out for him, than in the country. In the country 
he is known by name and his needs are fairly well tabulated; in the city he is lost in 
the crowd and his story of hungry or barefoot children can quickly bring a tug to the 
heart strings and tears to the eyes of some big hearted American. Furthermore, the 
complexity and diversity of the social agencies in the city make it possible for him to go 
from. one to another and support himself, if necessity arises, without work. This dupli- 
cation of relief would be impossible in the country. 

The desire to go to the city, however, after the season’s work is over has resulted 
in a well developed movement from the agricultural to the industrial rank. 

When Mr. Martinez gets to the city, it will not be long before he will get some sort 
of a job. This may be upon a street construction gang, or as a helper in concrete work. 
He may find employment working on the street railroad line with pick and shovel. This 
work may not pay as much as he and his family have been able to make in the beets and 
walnuts, but it’ is stationary, it offers compensations in that it does not require him to 
move from place to place, and so when the next fruit season rolls around he is loath to 
leave his steady job for the uncertain existence in the open fields. Consequently he 
stays on in the city and swells the industrial ranks, while the agricultural interests must 
go to Mexico to round up new workers. It has been noted, therefore, that the most re- 
cent immigrants are found in the agricultural pursuits, and that the city workers are 
those who have passed up through the agricultural groups and have become in- 
dustrialized. 

There is a tendency also for workers to make themselves proficient in one crop and 
to establish a permanent home in some small town or city near such a crop. After such 
a worker settles in a place like Uplands in California to work in the oranges, his family 
may for the first) few seasons make tent migrations to Beaumont and Banning for the 
apricots, to Santa Ana for the walnuts, and may even go so far as Fresno for the grapes 
and cotton, and to the Imperial Valley for the cantaloupes. Gradually, however, as the 
members of the family grow, the children find temporary employment in the towns and 
villages, and every such tie makes it harder for the family to tumble itself into the Ford 
car, spin the crank, and whirl a couple of hundred miles away. So, the family tends to 
become stabilized and so colonies of agricultural workers have been built up in such 
places as Anaheim, Azusa, Santa Ana, Glendora, Uplands, and Redlands in Southern 
California, upon the ranches of Texas, in certain Colorado towns, and in the towns of the 
Salt River Valley of Arizona. Always it must be borne in mind that the groups of a 
more migratory nature are largely made up of new recruits from Mexico. 


14 


Semi-Skilled and Skilled Laborers 


Practically the same movement takes place among the workers on the railroads. 
First they are employed as casual laborers doing extra track work, repairing and build- 
ing bridges, tamping ties, etc. Gradually as they learn English and become proficient 
they graduate from the moving box-car to the cement section house, from the moving 
track gang to the section gang. They thus become stabilized and a permanent factor 
in the railroad organization. 

The Southern Pacific System on its Western Division reports the employment of 
12,252. These are divided as follows: 

Table V. Occupation) of Mexican Employees of the Southern Pacific 


Western System. 





(STIGTARS). s oncveun Sarena tho cet pucareie ee aca 14 IBOATS ooo oacvcaseconvoopeoe 65 
Shiminiéin, dehiblien” ehones ono eon ote 1 Carmen, «atone «ae eee aac t 261 
mee ae MORCINCN ys akties send si sien 6 17 WACHIN ISTH tice cle ngel Sete es ree teeeees iss 
EECCA D CNLCTrS! cqsenctmaens oeoscc-e 3 i 12 sheet Metals Workers swine 23 
INNES Clabes stares «roa oteetone atietMaeie 6 cs. « 1 MeotoHs, Elelpersaeacvermiae toa 744 
NOUBVWenETCIDCrSs. suet ds cc. cs c+. 27 MeO feb eA Dien tl Ce Smear siercrioenrs 195 
Portable Steam HEqpt. Operators... 8 CoachF. Cleaners” = aac weer ener: 86 
Portable Steam Eqpt. Helper....... il ShopelabOrers7 vc. whence mets ci erae 886 
inp mpi ODCLALOTS ea. ..05 sass - al IMEOEMAY AMANO! oo oounmoopace ial 
BixtyamGranca OreMenNs 6 +... sss 33 Statiomea Sent. were ste ee i 
SO COMMON CINENE s geden, 6 ox. «o's 6 oes 90 SLEVECOTESiee eos ieee neater ner 36 
CCHOMMMADOLECES: cltincics cee s e056 6 9416 Crossin=e sVWiauchnieneer eee 6 
OMNIS SCEORG ests rieieche is ets «see es 2 Station Lruckersi mci eects 143 
HHOpEeGaneseHOreMen Yl... . cies ee i EOSienrs and SEel persmassye cect 25 
THIS) RESCUES ieia cucas 6 banro Oe eee 16 

To talvacasehe Qater + eee Ce rene 12,252 


Segregating these into skilled and semi-skilled groups we have a total of 1070 of 
the whole number who might be so classified, a total of 8 7/8%. 

The Mexican also is beginning to enter the field of semi-skilled workers in the 
foundries and factories of the middle west and east. There are approximately 2000 in 
the city of St. Louis, out of a population of 800,000, working in these industries and in 
shoe and hat factories; as waiters and waitresses and kitchen help in the hotels. Their 
opportunities are limited by lack of skill and language handicap, and to some degree 
by racial prejudice. 

Probably recruited from the backway of the beet industry there are now about 8000 
Mexicans employed in various industries in Detroit. There are many in the automobile 
industry employed as unskilled laborers chiefly in the Ford Rouge plant and the Briggs 
Mfg. Co., where parts are made forall cars. They work also in the railroad yards and 
in municipal work, the latter jobs being secured by the Mexican Consul, and by the De- 
partment of Public Welfare. 

In Milwaukee there are about 2000 Mexicans working on street work and in fac- 
tories and tanneries. 

There are not less than 10,000 in Lake County, Indiana, a great many of them coming 
from the sugar beet labor. In Indianapolis there are some employed in the steel foun- 
dries. The bulk of this population, however, is found in Indiana Harbor where there 
are about 8000, with about 2000 in Gary and vicinity. 

There are large numbers, also working in the Pittsburg Steel Mills. It seems that 
the treatment in Pittsburg has been eminently fair and as a result there are many lab- 
orers who now want to go to this area to work. Originally the common work in this 
district was done by the negro, but this is being largely displaced by the Mexican. 

It is reported that there are 1400 Mexicans in Aurora, Illinois, out of a total popu- 
lation of 42,000. They are mostly working as common and semi-skilled labor on the 
railroads and as factory laborers. 

Joliet, Illinois, reports about 1000 Mexicans out of a total population of 48,000. They 
are employed in the steel mills, on the railroads, in the brickyards and in the foundries, 
a few having become molders. 

The Illinois Steel Company of South Chicago reported on October 1st, 1926, that it 
employed 1000 Mexicans, which constituted about 121%4% of all its employees. 

There are about 8000 Mexicans in Chicago, and they are employed in such establish- 
ments as the McCormick Works, International Harvester Co., and the Crane Co. There 
is a very larga number in other factories. Many are employed in piece work. 

J. B. Gwinn, American Red Cross, Washington, D. C., states: “A recent study made 


15 


by the Department of Public Welfare of Chicago showed that 1042 were in the steel 
mills, 606 in foundries, and many are employed by the railroads and stockyards. Some 
positions in the skilled trades are now open to these men of Mexico who have never 
previously done anything but the most common kind of labor. A large lead company 
of Chicago introduced; Mexicans as laborers, but now most positions are open to them. 
They are found as machine operators: in some plants; they are fillers and pressmen in 
paint manufacturing plants; coal tar products companies use them as packers and on 
all kinds of machines. They have shown ability to develop as skilled workmen if given 
time and patient instruction. Nowhere has the race question been raised where Mexicans 
work side by side with other people.” 

It must be noted, however, that it is extremely hard for the Mexican to rise out 
of the unskilled labor’ class. First, there is his language disability which does not per- 
mit the degree of intimacy with those who might dictate his promotion, that an Amer 
ican has. Second, there is the lack of initiative which has been mentioned above, but 
third, and most important of all, is the common impression in the mind of Americans 
that “Mexican is an unskilled laborer.” The Mexican is not supposed to be found outside 
of this class, and it disturbs the American’s idea of the fiitness of things, if he is found 
doing anything that requires brain work. In spite of these handicaps, it must be noted 


that the Mexican is rising in the industrial scale. 

School teachers in the Southwest find that his mentality is as good, if not better, 
than that of other racial groups. A survey recently made among beet workers of Colo- 
rado reveals the fact that in spite of the language handicap the retardation among the 
Spanish beet child; is on the whole less than that of other groups of beet families em- 
ployed. Given an equal chance they will rise into the semi-skilled and the skilled class. 


In the three largest border cities: Los Angeles, El Paso and San Antonio, there are 
numbers of Mexican lawyers, doctors, ministers, dentists, teachers, and musicians. They 
are employed in large numbers as clerks in stores, and in many establishments as book- 
keepers, stenographers and tellers in banks. One of the most noted title writers in the 
moving picture industry in’ Los Angeles is a Mexican. The Department of Compulsory 
Education and Bureau of Child Welfare in Department of Education in the same city, 
reports that there is a larger number of Mexican children, in proportion, to the total 
population, working before the camera in the moving picture industry than that of any 
other racial group. 


Wages 


The whole question of wages as it concerns the Mexican labor both in migratory 
and settled groups is a particularly disturbing one. The Mexican in this country has not 
organized, and although the seasonal agricultural industries are absolutely dependent on 
his contribution, he has not been paid in kind. It seems to be the ambition of these 
various industries to keep him as hungry as possible, so that he will remain docile. 
Consequently the wages are minimized. The railroads on an average pay about $2.60 
per day for common track labor, and furnish shelter, wood and water. 

Cotton pickers get from 114c to 2c a pound. 

In Texas the wages for common labor run as low as $1.50 per day, and as high as 
$3.00 per day. For semi-skilled the scale is from $2.50 to $3.00 and for skilled from $3.00 
to $5.00 a day. 

Work on the railroads in St. Louis seems to average more, running from $3.00 to 
$4.00 a day. The factories pay from $10.00 to $40.00 a week. The hotels from $30.00 to 
$40.00 a month, including meals, and sometimes room. 

In Detroit, Michigan workers in the Ford Rouge plant receive $6.00 a day, in the 
Briggs Mfg. Co. $3.50: to $5.50 per day. In the railroad yards $4.00 a day, and for Mu- 
nicipal work on the streets from $3.50 to $4.50 per day. 

In Joliet, Illinois, the wages average from 44¢ to 50c per hour; in Milwaukee, Wis- 
consin, from 88c to 50c¢ per hour; in Lake County, Indiana, from $3.00 to $4.00 per day; 
and in Aurora, Illinois, from 35c to 55¢ per hour. 

Los Angeles Gas & Hlectric Co. employs 1200 Mexicans out of a total of 4000 em- 
ployees, paying an average of $4.50 per day. 

The Los Angeles Railway Co. pays its section labor 33c per hour, its, reconstruction 
labor 34c per hour, and a few of its Mexican laborers are paid 41c and 46c per hour. 
Incidentally this company states that “the Mexican is the best labor we can get; sticks 
to it, plugs along, best return on the dollar.” 

A survey of 315 homes in the Belvedere Park and Maravilla Park Mexican districts 

of Los Angeles, revealed the fact that the average income per family was around $800. 
: This imperfect and casual survey of the important part which the Mexican plays 
in American industry, reveals how dependent we are upon this type of labor. Indeed the 
Mexican is the Atlas who sustains upon his broad shoulders the whole industrial world 
in the Southwest. - 


16 


Dr. Clements, whose study has been mentioned above, works out the theory that all 
industries in California are dependent upon agriculture. If this is true, most certainly 
it is true also that agriculture depends upon the Mexican. Into our coffers flow streams 
of silver and gold, and all of these streams flow through the brown hands of the Mexicans. 

If we Owe so much to the Mexican, how are we paying the debt? 


CHAPTER V. 
Child Labor. 


The problem of seasonal labor discussed above, inevitably presents the added prob- 
lem of child labor. The work in seasonal crops for the most part is unskilled, much of 
it can be done by children, and the Mexican farmer with many mouths to feed, cannot 
understand why his children should not go into the fields and work with him. Most 
states where the Mexicans live and work have laws against child labor, and all of them 
have laws requiring attendance at school. Hconomic demands, both of the industry 
which wants the work done, and the family which needs the money, have made it ex- 
tremely difficult to enforce the law. In the cotton fields of California, it used to be the 
custom for a lookout to blow a whistle when the school attendance officer came in sight, 
the sound of which was a signal for the children picking cotton to duck down between 
the rows, until the danger was passed. A serious effort, however, is now being made to 
enforce the law in California. Not unmindful of the demands of the various seasonal 
industries, however, the school authorities have made every effort to cooperate with the 
growers, and the picker families in the case of the cotton industry in the Imperial and 
in the San Joaquin valleys. In the latter valley, school sessions begin very early in the 
morning, making it possible for the children over twelve years of age to go into the fields 
shortly after the noon hour. Constant vigilance, however, is necessary to prevent the 
employment of children under twelve, as a Mexican family can make money in the cot- 
ton, only when the entire family works. The California state law prohibits the employ- 
ment of children under twelve years in gainful occupations. 

As has been stated above, California is preeminently an agricultural state, and there 
is no place in the country where agriculture is so highly specialized. Some crop is being 
harvested somewhere in the state during every month of the year. Most of these crops 
have heavy demands for labor during a brief period of the year, and all of them are 
dependent more or less upon family labor. Cotton, grapes, peaches, apricots, cante- 
loupes, prunes, all use a certain amount of child labor in California, and there is the 
usual amount of retardation resulting therefrom. A teacher in a school in a city of the 
San Joaquin Valley in the heart of the grape district has declared that she had a Mexican 
turnover of 40% per month in her room. The effect of this constant moving on the 
part of the Mexican children can easily be estimated, and the demoralizing influence 
upon the whole school, is also worthy of consideration. Asked whether the American 
parents objected to the presence of the Mexican children in the school, the same teacher 
remarked that they did not, but that she felt sure that they would if they knew how 
much their presence was holding back their own children. 


Colorado Beets 


When it comes to child labor, Colorado seems to be the chief sinner among all the 
states where Mexicans live and work. Not less than 150,000 acres in Colorado are de- 
voted to the cultivation of sugar beets, and the peculiar character of the work not only 
makes it easy to employ many children, but there are some who go so far as to say that 
the very life of the industry is built upon the toil of these little ones. 

There are three classes of workers in the beet fields. First, there are the owners, 
who till their soil, and sell their beets to the Sugar Company, having contracted for the 
sale of their crop before the seed is put into the ground. Second, there are the tenants, 
who rent land, and produce a crop which they contract and sell in the same way to the 
Sugar Company. Third, there are the contract families, who agree to do all the hand 
work upon a certain number of acres of beets, in return for a certain fixed sum. All 
three of these groups employ children, and what makes the problem more difficult, is 
the fact that in practically every instance, the fathers and mothers are responsible for 
the employment of their own children. 

That the problem may be adequately understood, it is necessary to know something 
of the character of the work in which the children are engaged. The seed is sown in 
the spring, and the first hand work.in the fields begins late in May and early in June. 
The farmers are not sparing of their seed, for they have found that it pays to sow plenty, 
and then to thin out the weaker plants. The seed itself, indeed, is in the shape of a ball, 
containing a multitude of seeds. These balis, or groups of seeds are drilled in rows far 
enough apart to allow a horse-drawn cultivator to go between them. The plants come 
up very close together, and form a solid mass. 


17 


First comes the blocking, which is done with a hoe. The worker goes down the row, 
cutting out all plants, except a few growing in blocks or bunches about a, foot apart. A 
worker has his choice as to whether he shall use a short-handled hoe, with a shorter 
stroke, or a long-handled hoe, which will require less stooping, but more movement. Usu- 
ally only the adults and the older children do the work of blocking. 

This operation finished, there comes the work of thinning, which provides work for 
every member of the beet worker’s family. Only one plant is allowed to grow in each 
block, and the thinner must select the strongest plant, pulling out and discarding all the 
rest. The child selects the plant that is to survive, grasps it carefully so as to protect 
it with one hand, while with the other he pulls out all the other plants about it. Some 
children become very proficient, and many of the parents think they are peculiarly fitted 
for this type of work. Said one father who was interviewed, “Easy for keeds to bend 
over; hurta me back too much like dees.” 

This work of thinning is all done under pressure, for the last row of beets in an acre 
needs thinning just as soon as the first row, and it has been found that a delay in doing 
the work seriously cuts down the total yield per acre. 

After the thinning, comes the first hoeing. This process consists in cutting out any 
weeds, or stray plants which have been overlooked, and in drawing the soil around the 
surviving plant. Always there is a second hoeing, and sometimes there are three or 
more, the contract families being required to go over the field as many times as may be 
necessary to keep the weeds out. 

The next work in which the children are engaged in the beet fields is that of pulling 
and topping. The grower goes through the field, when the sugar chemists have indi- 
cated that the crop is ready for harvest, and with a special plow, loosens the beets in 
the row. They are then pulled by hand, and thrown together in bunches. Later the 
topper comes down the row with a sharp knife, and cuts the top from the beet at the 
sun line. The beet is struck with the knife in the head, is lifted to the knee, and then 
with a sharp blow of the knife, the top is severed. The work becomes quite mechanical, 
and is recognized by the beet workers as hard. 

In 1925 the National Child Labor Committee made a detailed study of child workers 
in the beet industry of Colorado, and your Commission is greatly indebted to the report 
of this committee. The study covered a total of 434 families in Logan, Morgan and Weld 
counties in the northeast part of the state. About one-half of these families were Mex- 
ican, or Spanish-speaking families from Colorado and New Mexico. The outstanding 
fact discovered by this committee, was that of all the workers required to do the work on 
26,161 acres of beets, 49% were children under sixteen years of age. In the 434 families 
studied, there were 1081 children who were working in the fields. Of these 957 children 
worked with the hoe, 912 topped, while 845 worked in all three hand processes. 

Just how young are the children that are thus employed, and how continuously do 
they work? 

The survey showed that forty-five per cent of the 1081 children studied did their 
first work in the beets before they were ten years old. Children as young as eight years 
were found working, and there were 43 who were under eight. Seven were only six 
years old. One child ten years old was found to be working his sixth season in the 
beets. Another fourteen years old was working his ninth season. Provided the seasons 
followed each other in regular succession, which is quite probable, forty-five per cent of 
all the children studied did their first hand work on the beets before they were ten years 
old. This forty-five per cent included 18 children less than seven years old, 97 who were 
seven and less than eight years, 166 who were eight and less than nine years, and 205 
who were nine and less than ten years. 

It has been argued that the work is not in confining factories, that it} is in the open 
air, and that the children are working with, and under the supervision of their parents. 
As one sugar official has said, “It is impossible for a parent to abuse his own children.” 

The survey, however, made by the National Child Labor Committee brought to light 
some interesting and striking facts about the time spent in the fields by these little 
children of the foreigners. One tenant family, with working children 12, 10, and seven 
years of age, worked seven days of the week. During the summer, upon their own state- 
ment, they were in the field before four o’clock, took one hour at noon, then worked until 
eight o’clock. Another family during thinning told of being at work in the field at five 
o’clock, carried their dinner and luncheon, and worked until seven or seven-thirty. 

One contract labor mother telling of the working hours fo her family said, “Thin 
long day, in field half after four, stop for dinner twelve o’clock just one hour, in field till 
seven, rest only when take a drink.” 

One boy seven years old, thinned beets for twénty-six days of 10 hours each with 
one hour of rest each day. An eight year old girl thinned 16 days of eleven hours each, 
with half an hour of rest, hoed eight days of eleven hours with halfan hour of rest, and 
topped 28 days of ten hours, with half an hour of rest. Among the seven-year-olds, 36 
thinned an average of 20.2 days of 11.3 hours. Eleven of these children had no rest 
period outside of meal time, and 25 rested an average of 36 minutes. 


18 


Insert. 
The Sugar Companies also are making laudable efforts 
to mitigate the evils of the situation. Many of the 
contracts specifically provide that parents shall 
not work their children under ten yeurs of age, while 
the efforts of the campanies to provide adequate housing 
@re also helping to better the cmdition of the children. 





What About the Law? 


Inasmuch as most of the harvest period comes after school begins in the fall, one 
may well ask what of the compulsory school law in that state? 

The frankest answer to make, is that it is not being enforced. The beets have to 
be harvested, the parents need the money which the children can earn, and the American 
people do not seem to be very much concerned whether the Mexican children go to school 
or not. As one school superintendent said, “These Mexicans are here today, and some- 
where else tomorrow, and we cannot expect to keep the children in school.” Some of 
the districts have tried to cooperate with the beet interests, by starting the school ses- 
sion very early in the morning during the pulling and topping season, thus permitting 
the children to get into the fields with/their parents in the afternoon. But this has met 
with the opposition of the non-beet farmers, and in many places, the custom has been 
abandoned after a trial. In many districts all the holidays in the fall are bunched to- 
gether at the peak of the season, so that the schools can be closed for practically a week, 
when the labor need is the greatest. In some sections, notably at Greeley, summer 
schools are run during the six weeks between the last hoeing and the harvest, and this 
plan seems to work admirably. 

i i In one section of 
the state it has been found that there were 1341 children of compulsory school age be- 
longing to contract labor families who lost an average of 33 out of 58.7 school days. Of 
children of contract labor families, 1.5% were accelerated, 38.1% were at age, while 
60.4% were retarded. Retardation increased with each succeeding year, with one excep- 
tion, until the largest percentage was reached by contract labor children in the fourth 
season. 

In any discussion of child labor among the Mexican and other Spanish-speaking peo- 
ple of the southwest, it must be borne in mind that the problem is not as definite and 
clearcut as that of child labor among industrial city groups. Every discussion of the 
subject in the textile industry of the south has much to say about health and disease, 
and about physical retardation. Your Commission has had brought to its attention no 
claims even by the most pronounced antagonists of the system that child labor among 
the agricultural groups in the southwest increases the tuberculosis hazzard, or results in 
physical retardation. Doubtless this is due in large measure to the fact that the work 
is all Ny e 2 BY open air, and that the children are directed in their work by their own 
paren HS, alizing that it would be difficult to get the work of thinning done by other 
than juvenile hands, the representatives of the sugar company all seem to justify the 
system. Following are some of the comments: 


“Children do just as good work as adults.” 

“Work is good for the children.” 

“RHamilies must have work, or cannot make a living.” 

“No children working in the field with their mother could possibly be abused.” 


“America must have laborers. If every child has a high school education, who will 
labor?” 

Dr. George P. Clements of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce has this to say 
upon the subject of child labor as it concerns California: 

“California has one great economic labor reservoir which has been permitted to be- 
come stagnant. I mean the children of the state. Of all the countries in the world, 
only we in America fail to utilize this resource, and this has only been in late years. 
Are the youth of today any better off for the latitude we have given them—tjie idleness 
which has been accepted as their divine right? Would it not be far better that the 
youth of the state were employed in healthy occupation in saving the basic industry of 
the state? Would it not be better that they be permitted to earn some of their pleasures 
than to be as at present—surfeited both in appetite and excitement to a point where real 
pleasure has become an unknown quantity?” 

Not so encouraging are the remarks made by those who are in charge of the educa- 
tion of the children of the beet workers: 

“Poor little things—they have to work pretty hard. They are so tired when they 
first come to school they just fall asleep in their seats.” 

“Tf any one had told me little children like these had to stay out of school to work 
beets, I wouldn’t have believed him.” 

“I think this is terrible; children just stay out and nobody does anything.” 

Public officials, however, are inclined to be thoughtful for public funds of the tax- 
payers... Onexstated. épawmaghdyercamenintonediice four or-fivesy.cars-beforedaaemas hor- 

j i j cing in-the-dields,.and being: Kepmemt-efwelmalsterds it. 
Now,. how.ey.eryhe-has.g@ne -40- ry i Aigitsds the.onlyway-to Keep these fam- 
ilies from being public charges, and so a drain upon-public funds. .. ae nag oe 


19 


Perhaps the whole subject can best be summed up by a statement, and a question. 
The statement is this: Colorado’s compulsory education law is not being enforced. And 
the question is whether the American public of Colorado—public officials and officials of 
the sugar companies—would view with the same complacency an economic system which 
required that their own children should work in the fields as do the children of the 
Mexicans. 

We conclude with a quotation from a subsidiary report presented by a member of 
this commission in the state of Colorado: ‘Jesus, when he took a little child, and set 
him in the midst, did not set him in the midst of a beet field. . . . Sugar costs too 
much in human life. Stir up in your coffee two spoonsfull of sugar made from sugar 
beets. When the sweetness has disappeared, the residue will be something like this. 

sixty-six per cent. retardation of beetfield children, stunted growth, families of 
nine in corn cribs for six months, racial discrimination, an average of one dollar and 
sixty-five cents profit per acre to the beet farmer, women grown old at thirty, and a bitter 
three-cornered war between forces making sugar,—farmer, handworker, be factory.” 


Whr'ic rie ,ithardiy Presen7$ 3 cross-SecriomM ot true Trad UusTRY 


deems a : ne CHAPTER VI. 
The MexTéntrat-Monier=Mrie*nrouseccTents and Box-Cars. 


The Mexicans are struggling through the tent and shack stage in this country. On 
the ranch, in beet fields, in cotton fields, many employers house the Mexican laborers in 
tents. Conditions in these camps at times are deplorable. One camp visited in the Im- 
perial Valley in California is thus described: 


“The conditions are bad. The camp stretches along the road under eucalyptus 
trees. There are twenty or thirty shelters, and they are said to house between one hun- 
dred and fifty people. Shelters were made of almost every conceivable thing—canvas, 
burlap, palm branches. Not a single wooden floor was seen, although there was at least 
one family which had heen there for six years not even leaving in summer. Chicken 
yards were mixed in with the human shelters; calves and horses wandered at will about 
them. There were flies everywhere. In front of each human shelter was the inevitable 
laundry tub, and many of the women as usual were busy with their washings. The only 
drinking water was taken from the irrigation ditch, brown with mud, but we were as- 
sured that after it had been allowed to settle it would be clear and pure. There were 
no baths. . . . The beds in one of the tents, where the family had lived for six years, 
were made of lettuce crates, the slats forming the springs, over which a few quilts had 
been placed.” p 

Conditions similar to these described are common in the fields and ranches where 
we find the Mexican immigrants who are still agricultural workers. The need for better 
housing is obvious, but the remedy is unfortunately not so obvious. With seasonal crops, 
the demand for labor increases and decreases with great rapidity, and consequently 
capital invested in adequate housing for the peak of the season would lie idle and inac- 
tive for most of the time. 

However, the value of good housing is being increasingly recognized by many of the 
employers. They are realizing that a man must have a decent place to live if he is to 
be a good employee, and that he must be more settled if he is to give good service. Not 
only the matter of health, but also grave social dangers enter into the present conditions 
as found in many of the camps. On some of the large ranches, as in the San Joaquin 


; 


: 


Valley, and in Orange County, California, small frame houses have been built to give *' 


permanent homes to the migrant laborers and the management testifies to the worth of 
this action. An observer states: “The Limonera Ranch, near Santa Paula, California, 
prides itself on the welfare work among the Mexicans employed there. They sess et It 
houses for them, but they are simply shells put up in the very slimsiest way.” Lise 

A member of your Commission writing from Colorado reports that “about half of the 
workers stay on the farms and in the Mexican quarters near the town. Near each beet 
center, usually the beet sugar factory town, the Mexicans stay during the winter months. 
The sugar companies encourage this, for, on their own testimony, it is cheaper to have 
them stay than to hunt up a new crowd. To encourage this practice, the companies in 
some places furnish straw, mud, lime, and other building materials at cost. 

This is done on credit resulting in debts which tends to bind the worker to the soil. 
Sometimes mud houses so constructed are comfortable, and sometimes they are not. The 
farmers often provide quarters for the workers during the beet season. Even cribs, out- 
houses and sheds are converted into temporary living quarters, but these shacks ill 
withstand the piercing winds of late autumn, and if the weather fails to eject the tenant, 
the farmer may adopt more energetic methods for reasons all his own. 





emer rDNA Ne Nt an aie as 
~ 











In a survey Spgafish-Americans and Mexicans in Colorado, we read: “The Holly 
and American Qompénies are building the colonies at their own expense, and giving the 
houses rent free te’the Mexicans. The houses are of adobe, either in single huts, or built 
together in “long houses.” The rooms are about 12x12, and, as a rule, two are allotted 
to a family. Floors are sometimes of dirt, sometimies of cement, sometimes of boards. 
Ground is furnished for a garden if desired, with sufficient water for irrigation. A woman 
in the colony at Rocky Ford was asked how she liked the cement floor in the house, “Oh, 
Senor, not as well as dirt. It is cold, and then every time you drop a dish, SMASH!!! 
it is gone.” 

Some of the Mexicans working on the section and extra gangs of the railroads are 
housed in box-cars, a type of home a little above the tent of the seasonal laborer. Not 
only do the migrants accept this shelter, but in Detroit where housing is poor the rail- 
road hands establish their permanent residence in box-cars. These imposing dwellings 
are to be discovered on the banks of, the Detroit river, parallel with the regular freight 
lines of the railroad. About one hundred men make their homes here. Most of them 
bachelors or ‘‘solos.” Inside of the car is filthy beyond description. The timekeeper of 
the railroad declared they like the Mexicans because they are willing to live in such 
quarters and hence are always on hand when workers are needed. In St. Louis and also 
in Chicago large numbers of Mexicans make their homes ‘in box-cars. 

In such temporary shelters conditions are bound to be bad. Overcrowding adds to 
the problem; social and moral conditions are impossible; sickness and contagion, inevita- 
ble. Furthermore, the transient nature of the man and his residence does not contribute 
to his social betterment. ; 


Shacks 


“Across the tracks” or “down the wash” is the characteristic description which is 
oiten applied to shack town in hundreds of communities of the Southwest. This eupho- 
nious description of the locality describes the settlement occupied by the Mexican colony. 
The railroad tracks or the dry river bed themselves are: strong lines of demarcation, 
but even stronger is that invisible boundary line marked by the racial prejudice which 
separates the American people from the Mexicans who perform the menial tasks in 
their industries. 

A minister’s wife exclaimed with regard to Mexican town “isn’t it terrible down 
there?” but further conversation revealed the fact that never in her life had she been 
“across the tracks.” 

These small shacks which are more permanent dwellings than tents or box-cars are 
built of whatever material can be had most cheaply. Sometimes second hand lumber 
has been secured; frequently drygoods boxes have been pressed into service, and most 
of these houses have grown just like Topsy. The Mexican custom to furnish shelter for 
aunts, uncles and cousins unto the third and fourth generation develops overcrowding 
in the house; the desire to avoid the purchase of new land) produces overcrowding upon 
the land itself. Three, four and sometimes even six shacks are crowded upon a Single 
lot. The streets are generally unpaved; there are no sidewalks and usually no street 
lights. The entire district frequently is in darkness save for the light shining from a 
poolroom, a cheap movie, or a store. But the people who build these houses and live in 
them are progressing from the migratory stage to that of the industrial worker. In 
many instances in the small towns they have located themselves for at least half of the 
year and are giad toicall the shack their home. 

Surveys which have been made recently in various places, many of them in prep- 
aration for this report, indicate that while conditions are improving they are far from 
satisfactory. 

Say the Health Records in Los Angeles County: 

“It will take at least a generation for the Mexicans to rise through the present stage 
of poor housing. Atithe present time many of the homes on the side-hills are so placed 
that only goats and the Mexican residents can get up and down. In one shack of one 
room lived a family of seven. At one time they were all sick with pneumonia; now two 
of them have acquired tuberculosis and are county cases.” 

The Los Angeles County Charities commenting upon the same district give us this 
beautiful picture of teeming life: 

“Two hundred eighty-nine families out of a total of 1572 cases investigated live in 
one room and these families range from two to eight; 575 in two room, shacks; 685 in 
three rooms; 429 in four rooms; 168 in five rooms.” 

Such pictures are not beautiful, but the moral and social implications are even worse. 
Says Bromley Oxnam, pastor of the Church of All Nations of Los Angeles: 

“The housing background and its deadly toll is little known because bad housing 
kills slowly. It destroys health, morals, self-respect, and ideals. . . . The fact that 
it takes more time to kill, in no sense lessens its deadliness. . . . Housing conditions 
in the Mexican districts in Los Angeles are exceedingly serious.” 


21 


But deplorable housing conditions are not confined merely to the cities. A survey in 
the town of El Monte in California thus describes Mexican town ‘down the wash”: 

“Two sections on the outskirts of E] Monte are known as Hick’s Camp and Wiggins’. 
Their location is on the west bank of the San Gabriel river, on ground belonging to pri- 
vate individuals, but leased to Mexicans. The Mexicans themselves build any kind of 
shack they wish or can afford. The lessee furnishes the running water in the yard. 
There is no sewer, but, in spite of sanitary arrangements, conditions are fair. The 
houses are very close together and very small. It would be difficult to find a Mexican 
section with worse housing conditions and resulting potent menace.” 


The first thought of the cotton growers of the Salt River Valley in Arizona and the 
beet companies in Colorado was to provide any sort of a shelter which would house the 
Mexicans during the crop season. A survey made by a member of your Commission in 
the Salt River Valley of Arizona has this to say about the housing: 


“The housing conditions offered the Mexicans may be classified as fair, bad and 
very bad; very seldom good. The Southwest Cotton Company present probably as fay- 
orable conditions as can be found. . . . Mexican town consists of a small plaza, with 
adobe huts on all four sides, and, at some little distance, two long, low buildings each 
perhaps 150 feet long and consisting of a double row of rooms set back to back. The 
rooms are about ten feet by twelve. They have dirt floors; electric lights, but the water 
hydrants and the toilets are found outside. The adobe building, the thatched arbors 
which shade the doorways, the bare floors, the simple furniture give the people fairly 
comfortable homes.” 

' These temporary expedients, however, are fortunately giving place to a more per- 
manent type of dwelling. The companies are beginning to realize that it is easier to 
hold their labor, than to recruit it, and it has been found that adequate housing is one of 
the strongest and heaviest anchors which can be tied to a Mexican family. This move 
for better housing on the part of the great industrial companies, is, at first blush purely 
economical, but it is already paying dividends not only in added returns through greater 
contentment, but in higher standards and in lower mortality rates. 

‘here is in the heart of the Mexican a true home instinct and if his dwelling is only 
a shack, he likes to think of it as the place from which he wanders and the place to 
which he returns. There are families in California which spend half the year in the San 
Joaquin Valley and the remaining six months in the Imperial Valley. Some of these fam- 
ilies have their “home” in one valley and some in the other, but the fact that there is 
such a place as home is a governing influence in their lives. 


The Tenement. 


The Mexican is rising; he is climbing into the semi-skilled and skilled labor class; 
he is mounting from the groups of the agriculturists to that of the industrial laborer. And 
with these fundamental changes in his employment, he is seeking also a more permanent 
place of abode. 

Reports from some of the larger cities in the middle west and east indicate that the 
Mexican laborer is displacing the Poles, the Hungarians, the Bohemians, the Slavs and 
the Italians who formerly occupied the tenement, districts. Mexican labor is inereas- 
ingly demanded, and as these men from the Southland displace the laborers from Europe 
in the factories and foundries, they displace them also in the quarters in which they 
have lived. 

In many other places in our large cities the Mexican laborer has secured a foothold 
only in the most dilapidated of the tenement districts. 

A survey made recently in Chicago shows that the Mexican population lives in the 
most used and wornout tenements. Most of these buildings have been abandoned by 
people of prosperous state, and are in sections where tenements of this class have been 
coudemned, and hence are not kept in repair. There are in Chicago what are known as 
“old law” tenements and “new law” ones. Mexicans are found living in the older houses, 
many of them occupying basement flats. There are no sanitary provisions, there is no 
privacy. Light and air are poor. Among all the families the apartment most frequently 
found was one of four rooms. Many have rooms without outside windows. As the 
families average six or seven children, and many of the families keep boarders as well, 
the crowded condition is extremely bad. 


Studies made in St. Louis reveal practically the same conditions. The Mexicans are 
living in crowded districts, where the buildings are old and dilapidated, and where plumb- 
ing facilities usually amount to one spigot for an entire bulding. One large group of 
from 25 to 50 individuals occupy an abandoned commission house in close proximity to 
the tracks, factories and stockyards. Mexicans in St. Louis have not yet colonized in 
distinct districts as have other nationals. They are scattered throughout the tenement 
districts of the city. 


22 


In the Southern part of El Paso tenement conditions have been poor for years. One 
can count as many as twenty different dwellings on a single side of a block. These build- 
ings are only of two stories, but there is great overcrowding and in some places the back 
alleys are filthy beyond, description. 


Says Dr. Parrish, Health Officer of Los Angeles: 


“It is generally known that the Mexican is unable to rent or buy houses that contain 
modern improvement. The result is that they live in the old wornout houses in the 
older sections of the city, crowded into tenements. The city inspectors have done con- 
siderable work in assisting them to make the most of their means toward getting their 
living quarters built so that they can get the maximum housing conditions. ° 
Building regulations have been printed in Spanish and are being distributed among them 
for their information and guidance. The sanitation of premises, plumbing where it is 
possible for them to have it . . . requires considerable time and everlasting per- 
sistence on the part of the inspectors.” 3 


But there are two rays of light in the whole situation. The one is found in the fact 
that the rise to the tenement class indicates that the Mexican is finding a permanent 
home. The other is the fact that in many places the housing conditions of the settled 
industrialized Mexicans are rapidly becoming better. In spite of the deplorable condi- 
tions cited in Belvedere Park in Los Angeles, great improvement in the housing has been 
made during the past two years. The homes are gradually growing larger, there is more 
paint upon them, and the yards are better kept. The longer the Mexican stays in any 
one place and the more stabilized his employment, the better his housing condition 
becomes. 


Better Class Homes. 


In any study such as this, there is a great temptation to center the thought upon the 
place where the problems focus, and to forget more wholesome conditions. In all of the 
larger cities of the Southwest there is a considerable group of Mexican people that dwell 
in what may be called better class homes. Very many of these are extremely comforta- 
ble; others are luxurious and some are even palatial. Our study has little to do with 
that group of well-to-do Mexican refugees who came into the United States at the begin- 
ning of the revolutionary period. However, it is well to remember that in Los Angeles, 
in El Paso, and in San Antonio there is a high degree of culture manifest in the dwellings 
of the better class people. But far more heartening in our study of the problem is that 
growing class of modest five-rroom houses in which live the Mexicans who are semi- 
skilled laborers. 


For years the housing conditions among the Mexicans in Fullerton, California, were 
deplorable. Finally came an Americanization teacher who knew how to build upon the 
Mexican’s artistic ability. She called the leaders of the little colony together, made ar- 
rangements for plants and seeds to be furnished them gratis or at small expense, and 
inspired them to beautify the grounds about their homes. Unsightly piles’ of rubbish 
and debris vanished as if by magic. Grass was planted between the houses and flowers 
and shrubbery added to the beauty of the same. Today the little cottages are laid out 
upon a rolling lawn, and the whole settlement is a credit to the city. But the interesting 
thing is that the pride which the Mexicans were taught to take in the grounds was 
quickly communicated to the women in the homes and the inside of the houses soon 
showed the same improvement which was manifest upon the outside. One Mexican col- 
ony in this city consists of twelve frame houses of four rooms each with toilet and sink 
in each house. It is located in a walnut grove not far from the business section of the 
city. There are showers for both men and women, with a wash house in the center of 
the colony. 


Even in El Monte, California, to which reference has been made above and where 
Hick’s Camp presents such deplorable housing conditions, there is a district on Granada 
street where the Mexicans live in comfortable homes and where the houses and yards are 
well kept. Some time ago the city fathers ordered the paving of the street, with the 
hope that the Mexicans would move out. They were, however, happy to have this im- 
provement and have met all payments cheerfully. One of the leading citizens of El 
Monte has declared publicly: “We are proud of that street with its clean yards, neat 
homes and flowers everywhere.” 


Some of these homes of the better class are humble dwellings of four and five rooms, 
but they are so infinitely better than the tent, the shack, or the tenement, that they give 
promise of better things in the housing of our Mexican population. 


D% 


ao 


CHAPTER VII. 
The Mexican at Home: His Family. 


To the casual observer the Mexican life may seem drab, but one might go a long way 
to find more color than that furnished by his human side. 

First, and above all else, he loves his home. It may be only a shack; he may have 
just paid his $5.00 down, and promised $5.00 a month for the rest of his life. But it is 
his home, and you can see that his heart is in it from the very way in which he most 
graciously tells you, ‘‘aqui tiene usted su casa,’ and his pride in his home is evidenced 
by his attempts to beautify it both inside and out. If he has but two square yards of soil, 
one of them is sure to contain flowers. His vegetable garden may be overgrown with 
weeds, but never his flowers. 5 

Nor can one come into contact with the Mexican home and fail to be impressed with 
the courtesy of its inmates. Regardless of social level, courtesy is a precious asset of 
the Mexican. To be sure, courtesy is no substitute for character or good-will. But it 
goes far toward avoiding friction, and refreshing it is after association with the blunt, 
outspoken American. You say he is insincere when he assures you, “my house is yours,” 
or “I am your servant,” or “I am at your orders.” George Washington never showed any 
intention of shining anyone’s shoes, and yet he signed his correspondence, “‘Your obedient 
servant.” And regardless of what the Mexican is doing, he never manifests impatience 
at your call. Mexicans have been known to buy goods from peddlers, simply to avoid 
the discourtesy of refusing. No visit ever terminates without an exchange of solicitous in- 
quiries concerning the health and well-being of all known relatives. One does not know 
Mexicans who does not feel their sincerity in these oft-repeated courtesies. 

And where is there one who has been in the Mexican home without having experi- 
enced its hospitality. Nothing is too good for the guest. The best chair, the best bed 
(or the only one, as the case may be) the head of the table—deference always is shown 
the guest. This goes even to the extent of the actual discomfort of! the family. One 
Mexican family invited a visitor to be their guest for dinner. The invitatoin was ex- 
tended to him to stay all night with them, and this lengthened into two weeks. Mean- 
while, the host and hostess had to make their bed on the floor, although the wife was 
under the doctor’s care. Further, the guest was on a special diet, hence the host was 
put to extra expense, although at the time he was financially embarrassed. Instances 
such as this could be multiplied indefinitely. 

In the home life, the patriarchal system is very much in evidence. The father is 
head of the house in fact. His word is law. This authority, in case of the father’s 
death, passes on to the eldest son. One young man explained that he had this inherited 
authority over his brother, only a year or two younger, but that it seemed best for him 
not to exercise it. 

Paternal love and care for children is worthy of note. In no better way is it seen 
than on the street and|in the stores. Who has not seen a Mexican with his wife and 
several children on Main street Saturday night? He is invariably carrying the smallest, 
while the next two are hanging to his trouser leg. The wife seems to be left free to 
window shop at her leisure. And these same typical groups will be seen making pur- 
chases together for the family. What the father earns seems to disappear rapidly 
enough, but it must be acknowledged that it goes for the general good of the family. And 
his love is manifested in his kindness toward the children in and about the home. His 
gentleness toward them in their illnesses is noteworthy. 

Further, the parents are generally ambitious for their children. They are concerned 
for their education to a surprising degree. They are keen to note inefficiency in our 
schools and lack of progress in their children; they are willing to make sacrifices that 
a son or a daughter may attend some private institution. The one lamentable fact is 
that this ambition does not make them desirous of seeing their son or daughter finish 
their education. Too often size and age of the son lessen the parents’ ambitions for his 
education; aS a wage earner he seems more desirable. The daughter, too, is faced with 
the extreme necessity of marrying before she gets too old—18 seems to be the dead-line. 

But by far the deepest insight into the real heart of our Mexican friend may be se- 
cured by noting his kindliness in gathering unto his household and to the inner circle 
of the family’s affection the dependent relative, the orphan child, or the friendless 
stranger. It is the common thing to find aged relatives in the family circle. A Mexican 
family never seems to have too many children but that room can be made for others 
that fortune has deprived of a home. A neighbor, a widow with two children, with no 
means of financial support, is a daily guest at his table. When asked why he does not 
seek county aid for her, he remarks that he hates to do anything like that. In another 
family, a girl in her teens sits on the floor day after day, and with ceaseless repetition 
wets her thumb in her mouth, and makes marks upon the bare floor. When asked why 
they do not place her in an asylum, the answer comes true to form, “We are sorry for 
her; and besides in her home, we are sure she will get good treatment. 


24 








It is a constant source of wonderment to note the marvelous way in which the Mex- 
ican’s love reaches out in all directions at the least mute appeal for human sympathy. 
The warm heart of your Mexican neighbor contains a wealth of love and friendship. 
Perhaps that is why he can hate equally well. 

After all, how human he really is! 


The Mexican in the Community.ChadPT er 5 7 


Some of the most interesting questions which face us are concerned with the Mex- 
ican in his relation to the American community in which he lives. How is he fitting n? 
Does he lower or raise the standards of the community? What of his health? To what 
extent is he the victim of poverty and dependency? For how much crime and juvenile 
delinquency is he responsible? What of his recreations and the facilities available for 
satisfying his play needs? Is he, after all, a social liability or a social asset? To what 
extent are his standards homogeneous with those existing in the United States today? 


Health. 


The reports of hospitals and other social agencies would indicate that the Mexican 
suffers from more than his share of illness and disease. In the spring of 1925 the Cali- 
fornia Conference of Social Work instituted a study of the Mexican. At that time the 
Mexican population of Los Angeles was estimated to be not more than 10% of the total. 
But in the Los Angeles General Hospital 43% of the cases were Mexicans. The City 
Maternity Service of the Health Department reported 621-3% of its cases Mexican and 

- 73% of its budget spent for them. The Bureau of Municipal Nursing and Division of 
Child Welfare both announced that 40% of their cases were Mexicans. Said the Director 
of the Division of Child Welfare, City Health Department: “The Mexican infant mor- 

» tality under one year of age is three times that of the white, although it is a fraction 
over 21% less than it was a year ago.” 

| In Orange County, California, where 10% of the population was estimated to be Mex- 

} ican, one-third of the cases in the General Hospital were Mexican. , In ips San Diego 
County Hospital one-half of the clinic patients were Mexicans. — hser7r 

In San Bernardino County, California, on the other hand, where the Mexicans are 
stated to comprise 30% of the population, only 25% of the cases in the County Hospital 
are from their group. 

The cases quoted above are too limited in number and in area covered to warrant a 
generalization which would relate to the whole Southwest. They do indicate, however, 
that in certain sections at least, the Mexican’s standards of health are lower than those 
of the American Community. 

Says Stuart R. Ward in a report of the Commonwealth Club of California (March 
23, 1926): “In order of prevalence, the diseases most common among Mexicans are 
venereal disease, tuberculosis and intestinal troubles. Forty-four per cent of the cases 
of tuberculosis treated by the charity department (of Los Angeles County) clinic were 
Mexicans, as were 57% of the venereal clinic cases. . . . Reports also show that im- 
migrants from south of the Rio Grande are peculiarly subject to such intestinal troubles 
as amoebic dysentery and hook worm.” 

Another investigator reports: “One study made by the Los Angeles County Out- 
door Relief Department reports Mexican tuberculosis cases to be 24% of all Mexican 
cases, that these are 39% of all the charity cases where tuberculosis is a problem, that 
a monthly budget of $12,900 is being expended on these Mexican cases where tubercu- 
losis is a factor, and that a total of over $292,000 has been spent so far on these cases.” 

A study of the death rates by racial groups in the city of Los Angeles for the three 
years July 1, 1922 to June 30, 1925, made by R. R. Peters of Devore, California, provides 
some suggestive data. He says: “The high death rate among Mexicans fromytuber- 
culosis, 21-22% of all the deaths in their group, as against 68% of the Caucasian is 
outstanding in the report. The condition is reversed in the caseyof cancer where the 
Mexican has a low death rate of 3-4% as against 11% in the Cauéasian. The Mexican 
eae a good heart and circulatory system with the low rate of 45% whereas the 
Caucasians have the very high rate of 20% to 25% of all their deaths from this cause. 
In the case of the respiratory system again the Mexican is high 15-18%, with the Cau- 
casiat®low 7%.y, From the general diet of the Mexican it is not strange they are higher 
than the Caucasians with the ratio of 11% to 17% of the deaths due to diseases of the 
digestive system. In the genito-urinary diseases the Mexican is very low 3-4% while 
the Caucasiarkis from 7-8%. With a reasonable amount of sanitation, most of these 
diseases that run high among the Mexicans can be materially reduced. Hspecially tuber- 
culosis, diseases of the digestive system, and diseases of infancy. While those diseases 
that are hard to combat, e.g. cancer, diseases of the circulatory system, and the genito- 
urinary system are already much lower in the Mexican than in the Caucasian.” 

Infant mortality is ever considered a sensitive indicator of health conditions. In 
Los Angeles County in 1925 the general infant mortality rate for the whole population 


25 


Rotel vtihalew ° hry tien an ot vos fi te yp rae 


was 91-98; the rate for the Mexican population was 166. This seems high, and yet it 
represents a distinct improvement over previous conditions, for in 1918 the rate for 
Mexican infants was 348.06. The accompanying table shows the results of the unending 
battle for better health conditions: 


TABLE VI—Infant Mortality Rate, Unincorporated Sections of Los Angeles 
County, Mexican Population. 


LOL Ge aecmanseete ont 284.97 UPA hate @ ole o.Saig ac orp 0 179.04 
IA Carson 6 3.5 oleaGacs 6 255.10 IM VaPhe Ie Sein thors odo De 243.35 
IWR ce ods ob ooo cu tos 348.06 IMPs oSlole tlesc Sous oR 250.62 
US acess cou a Gao S 170.02 IS PALES oriaichor ora h BBO 5 0 163.16 
INVA es co Ado b cmo Dec 186.66 IIS PAG rele A deena AteranS isos oc 166.12 


What child welfare work can accomplish in creating better health, is shown by the 
figures from the Belvedere district to the east of Los Angeles. In 1923, when the health 
campaign was begun, the infant mortality rate was 170; in 1924 it dropped to 114; and 
in 1925 to 102.8. In Maravilla Park, a Mexican district adjacent to Belvedere, a pre-natal 
clinic with a complete obstetrical service is maintained. The latter is either free or a 
nominal charge of $10.00 is made. The infant mortality rate for cases here is 81. This 
lowered rate is partially accounted for by the pre-natal service, but also by the post-natal 
care given the babies at the Center. The greatest single cause of infant deaths at Bel- 
vedere is still from gastro-intestinal diseases, which are ten times more frequent among 
Mexicans than among whites. Other diseases are often three times as frequent. 

That the high infant rate among the Mexicans of Los Angeles is not unique is hinted 
by the fact that of the families of 104 Mexican beet workers in Colorado, 57 had lost 152 
children by death. This averaged 2.7 children for the families who lost and 1.5 per 
family for the group. (Survey of National Child Labor Committee, Children working in 
the Sugar Beet Fields of Certain Districts of the South Platte Valley, Colorado, p. 70.) 

What are the causes for this wide-spread ill-health? Part of them are within and 
part without the Mexican. His ignorance of hygiene and of proper diet levies heavy toll. 
But his position as an unskilled worker; that “cheap labor’ which is a victim of seasonal 
unemployment and alow wage—explains much. He is a poor man and his poverty makes 
him hesitate to call in medical attention. A doctor costs too much. That same poverty 
locates his home in a shack or a tenement, often with inadequate light and air. A bath- 
room is a legendary American institution of which he may sometimes hear, but which 
he rarely finds in his own dwelling. Poverty leads also to overcrowding; Mexican chil- 
dren are accomplished artists at sleeping three, four and five in a bed. A new climate, 
even though it be the far-famed one of California, may contribute also to disease totals. 

Many American communities are intelligently and courageously attacking the prob- 
lem. Health education, as has been suggested above, is bringing, in many cases, almost 
miraculous results. ‘lasses in home-making, cooking, child-care, nutrition, are demon- 
strating large value. Better housing, where provided, quickly shows its presence in the 
vital statistics of the community. ; 

The Mexican is by no means hopelessly handicapped in his struggle for either health 
or wealth. If he can acquire some of the latter, it will assist him in the attainment of 
the former. He possesses a sturdy physique. He is without doubt a present problem. 
But with permanent employment, a living wage which will put comfort in his home and 
adequate food on his dinner table, with a continuance of instruction of hygiene and sani- 
tation, we may yet see him become a walking demonstration of what perfect health in 
America should be. ] 

Poverty and Dependency. 

Poverty has been an inseparable companion of the Mexican for centuries, a compan- 
ion who by no means abandons him when he crosses the line into the United States. 
Doing our cheap and casual labor as he does, the Mexican continues to be a poor man. 
When unemployment, illness, marital difficulties, accident or some other cause strike 
him or his family, he is likely to be found so close to the dependency line, that he soon 
is a candidate for aid from some charitable organization. 

On this point also considerable testimony from various of our social agencies is 
available. In Los Angeles County, the Outdoor Relief Division of the Department of 
Charities reported in 1925 that 27.44% of their cases were Mexican. The Bureau of 
Catholic Charities stated that 55 2/3% of its cases were Mexican. In Orange County, 
California, 30% of the budget went to Mexicans; in Riverside County 33%; in San Ber- 
nardino County 30% again. 

In Colorado, the county commissioner of Weld County reported that $15,000 a year 
was spent for the relief of Mexican sugar beet workers, principally during the winter. 
In Austin, Texas, for the year 1923-1924, the United Charities reported that the Mexicans 
who made up 5.7% of the city population, supplied 17% of the family cases cared for. 
In Detroit, Michigan, over a period of three years, one Mexican out of every eight has 
been given relief through the Public Welfare Bureau. 


26 


Here again we find that part of the responsibility for the Mexican’s low rating lies 
at his door, but part of it also rests within sight of our American door-step. His oft- 
quoted lack of thrift leaves him with no fund to fall back upon in case of an emergency. 
His ill-health is of course intimately linked with his dependency. The fact that he is 
a stranger in a strange land may also explain a part of the difficulty. 

But if all the truth be told, it is probable that those who hire and fire him are largely 
responsible for the Mexican’s dependency. Industries which call for the Mexican in 
great numbers during certain months and then leave him without any work for the rest 
of the year are trusting the community to provide his support when out of a job. A 
study of 133 farm labor families who wintered in Denver after the beet season of 1924 
showed that 64 of the fathers secured work during the slack season, and 69 (or more 
than half) did not. 

It must also be remembered that “cheap labor” of whatever race or nationality ever 
provides the heaviest part of the dependency load of our social agencies. Burdened with 
irregular employment, and with a low wage when at work, ignorant usually, housed in 
unfavorable conditions which make sickness common, it is not surprising that this group 
habitually seeks aid from the community. The man who registers with the Associated 
Charities has a hand which has learned to curve around a pick and shovel. 

Ill-advised and sentimental giving have at times pauperized the Mexican. The ease 
of getting help has confirmed him in the habit of seeking it. But more careful and in- 
telligent consideration is being granted to his needs. An Elks lodge which for several 
years has expended $1000 annually on a Christmas for the Mexican children, is now send- 
ing a monthly check to the settlement-house, where these same youngsters swarm for 
fifty-two weeks of the year. A study of and an attack on the Mexican’s indigency is 
under way and help is given him that he may help himself. But the problem is complex 
and difficult and no easy or immediate solution can be anticipated. 

Says Dr. E. 8S: Bogardus, after a study of the situation in Southern California: “The 
charity rate for Mexicans remains high even when the Mexican has been here ten years 
or even longer. Of the first 558 Mexican cases closed by the Outdoor Relief Department 
of the Los Angeles County Charities after July 1, 1926, 26 Mexicans had been in the 
United States one year or less; 36 others about two years; 28 more than three years; 22 
additional, four years; 34 more, five years; and 47 fifteen to twenty years. These figures 
may be interpreted in a number of ways: (1) that the opportunities of economic ad- 
vancement for Mexicans are few; (2) that the charity aid keeps him from assuming full 
economic initiative; and (3) that he is inherently lazy and shiftless. All three factors 
doubtless operate. 

Table VII below gives the “problem” phases of the cases open in the Outdoor Relief 
Department (Los Angeles County Charities) on July 1, 1926. Of a total of 4948 Amer- 
cian and Mexican cases, the Mexicans contributed 1464 or nearly thirty per cent. AI- 
though the Mexicans furnish about three-eighths as many cases as Americans, juvenile 
problems entered into one and one-half as many Mexican cases as in American. Tuber- 
culosis and other forms of illness also exceeded the American rate greatly. The parallel 
columns throw considerable light on the problems of Mexicans and merit a careful study.” 


TABLE VII. Problems Involved in 3484 American Cases and 1464 Mexican Cases, 
July 1, 1926, Outdoor Relief Department, Los Angeles County Charities. 


PROBLEMS MET AMERICAN MEXICAN 
3484 1464 
JUVenIesPropleMmsmeeet. «sikccs oe wane tee eee. 158 231 
INON-RESTOMENIGE @ © eemePeens ote oe a's c chee scoveleue ch siete sremmeaitess 42 ~. 52 
VEEL Old OC tiers eeeteeMe et here ace. wore, ch sith entans re: cvaun Sr eemels 815 386 
WiITEM PLO VIM tases crevel ss. +s < ss «A erake este cee Fk erene 553 503 
HAT SUL CLOM Gs IN COMLGmeeinetetcls, scr. a6 cence Racin. eescesiorese 448 295 
IBITMGINGSS eran ees teyaereciey AM ivelc o-s o ies. corietenece Mente ecm 128 46 
INNIS rea RRS Were Cuties Seae Sola Co eee Ray Ain, er Oke oreo naerere 20 34 
LAMP PASOMINI SIM, .«,. s seems eis. « misiov ales ators of euawemtvexcher cas 13 Oe 
IDYVSTRONY 5 oR REEEDIS 06 0 5D RR eee a oc cee 283 203 
INON-SUDD OLUEEders. .-srefeeteieas bts b> ore oie a ) sha oot ls.'s oasis y 155 64 
CHG AEE c.g SIIB: 6. co CONMERE DlOrin See ete: 5 Sar wala 74 
Mental Troubles ...... 5 OY OEE 6 REDS. «oo Sees 224 ae 

a BU OT. CULO Siege vate...» «0 AMMMERS poe) 0,» + sre gee dnt +» omer rep es 408 31. -- 
Ben VicThOreal, DISCASC. . ..<ceeiercclsn +0 + 0 CRpeleye o's « mEBMele ores 102 126 
SAIC O)Gher silitmetloaltliserercicedc so. otic + «+ UMass ts 1909 1801 
AD CBiED tiny Terie 5 poate se oonoerdon coco coudOoe 447 185 
ey ANU (OVSTYST eM ETGY SITS. GRRE ae ee a ee a 361 286 


Suggestion of the value of Mexican. cooperation in solving the problem comes from 
the Imperial Valley. In- Brawley all Mexican cases of dependency are turned over to 


QT + 


the Mexican Blue Cross. In two years this organization distributed $800 for relief and 
cared for the funerals of four indigents, also assisting some to return to Mexico. The 
Hidalgo Mutualist Society has also rendered valuable service in meeting the problem. 


Deiinquency and Crime. 


How often does the Mexican collide with the laws and social customs of the Amer- 
ican community? Is he able to adjust his life and living to these new standards, of many 
of which he is quite ignorant, of others of which le does not understand the reason? 
Does he help to maintain those standards, or does he tend to tear them down? Is his 
own character built up or torn down by the new influences in which he finds himself? 

It should be frankly confessed at once that adequate data is unfortunately not avail- 
able to answer these questions. Hearsay often gives the Mexican a black eye. In one 
California county, he was proclaimed to comprise 80% of the jail population. A check 
of that institution on two separate dates could discover only one Mexican in every three 
inmates, the same proportion that governed in the general population. 

For the state of California, the following statistics are available for the two state 
prisons—San Quentin and Folsom. ‘ 





TABLE VIII. Mexican Delinquency. 
Total Mexican Percentage 
1925 Population Population of Mexicans 
Sane Quen thames Ollesteas: . sins ercne a sre cio un crete te sicher 8358 438 13.04 
TEMGHCoad SIBAMIS(ONE), occu Grose Sedeokoin chara Chea cinwarora a GoomnOT 1626 154 95 
LOCALE AAO Cre cio sie hioheia ea hts teleeee 4984 592 nye 


The Mexican population of California, estimated at 350,000, comprises nine or ten 
per cent of the total population. But with 12% of the state prison population, we see 
that the Mexican sends more than his share to the state’s two penal institutions. 

Two factors, however, must be kept in mind for an adequate understanding of the 
figures above. In the first place, the Mexican is a foreigner; he is unacquainted with 
American laws; he is also unacquainted with American court procedure; in his arrest 
and imprisonment prejudice may play a part at times. He is ignorant of the English 
language. Because he is a stranger, the road to prison is sometimes easier for the Mex- 
ican than for the American. 

Second, the Mexican group in the United States is not a true population. It contains 
few old people; on the other hand, it includes a disproportionately large number of young 
men. And the greater part of serious crime is committed by young men. With this 
factor in mind, it may not be surprising that the figures for Mexican delinquency and 
crime are higher than normal. 

Says Dr. E. S. Bogardus: 

“Petty thieving, bootlegging, personal violence, and sex violations are the offenses 
in which the lower type (socially speaking) of Mexicans rank highest. Personalty studies 
and studies of environmental influence need to be made; and building of constructive 
Mexican character is the ultimate goal. But the latter is difficult to attain-and maintain 
when environmental conditions are alive with destructive stimuli. The need for improve- 
ment in personal character and social conditions cannot be separated... . 

“Mexcan boys arrested for and convicted of delinquency rank far beyond their popu- 
lation-rate. Moreover, they often constitute knotty behavior problems. Probation of- 
ficers are handicapped, however, when the boys must usually be released into a social 
environment that is filled with many disorganizing factors and few organizing factors, 
especially for the older boys and the young men.” 


Recreation... 

The reerestional fecilities available for the 
Mexican people are, largely, inadequate... Some o8 has Said 
thet if it micht be possible to texch basevall to ali 
the youth of Kexieo it would be the salvation of the 
country. The type of social and economic development 
ofthe Mexican immigrant is contingent, in @ meesure, on 
the, ding 8mt, SEORE OF ee ee ee ae. 

nd clos@ ons kthted » wergation, agong Lecmbglhethinatn res 

3 soebatl Gey eB enone themsé Ives imp rivatesewhi pupli¢ play 

4 PS in the hands of comitercial exploiters. “Every Mexiean 

community has its two or three pool rooms,which are 
generally centers for liquor distribution,and with 
gambling tables in connection. Dance halls are common, 
and of very low type, centers of immorality md social 
disease, Chesp movics are everywhere, and the type of 
picture shown is usually subversive of decent moral ad 
social standards. 

In a number of communities, notably in Hl Paso, Texas 
and in Souther California, there are public plagrounds 
for Mexican children,sdequately supervised, but this 
number is pitiably small in comparison to the number 
which have neither playgrounds nor supervision. 


ad a 
Y 


. 


re BAS ae 
ri 
‘ 


. in afew: stalk ‘base pa li end: basketball teaisohave. been in: 
“oFgetiized, often by the ieHidan youths themselves, with’ '” ” 
generally satisfactory results. ‘herve is Little, if 


anything, orgenized Snywhére to cere for sdnit “ye epee tional, 
interest in any @onstructive way. ys 40 a good work, thougt 
Tee'ET Paso » ATbuguerjud, Tucson, gymnasiums are avai labid 
for use. ‘unde rrsupervis ion, and in Tueson there is a 
swimming pool ims use for Mexicans exelusively, which is open 
during the months of June, July, August and September. Pley 
is.of the greatest educational importance during childhood 
and youth, but, never huving learned organized play in his 
héme énvironuent, the iexican child must heve direction in 
his pley life until such time as he can exre for his ow 
recreational needs. 
Few if a1y people in the world have more inherent 
drematic power then have the Mexicans, ‘there should be an 
Organized movensnt to provide eclean,constructive dramitic 
material in the Spanish language by which it shall be 
possibk for the Mexican peGple to enter imaginatively into 
those attitudes of mind and habits of life which shall make 
for higher standards of living, both materially and ethically. 


American; at others a separate Senool is opened on ‘their side of town. Occasionally the 
children may meet on the playground; but their parents do not meet in the lodge, the 
labor hall, or the theater. It is not easy for the Mexican to become a member of the 
American community. 

A girls club was being organized in a town on the Mexican border. It was a group 
of Mexican girls who asked for the club. They were asked if they wanted to have 
American girls in with them; and the answer was: “It will be alright when it comes 
to the club meeting, but when it comes to parties and programs, they won’t want us; we 
are not welcome.” 

Another club was composed of fourteen American girls; a new member sought ad- 
mittance; her father was an American, but her mother a Mexican. The girls were fav- 
orable; but then they went home to talk it over with their parents. When they came 
back they voted not to admit the candidate. 

It is also worth noting that the American community first becomes aware of the 
Mexican because of his deficiencies. It is a Mexican epidemic across the tracks, or a 
large number of Mexican cases, who are a burden to the Associated Charities; or some 
Mexican boy who pilfers an apple, or breaks a window, or goes pot-hunting w ith an air- 
rifle. Then the American community wakes up to the lower standards of its Mexican 
neighbors. But its alertness may have profitable consequences. If it remains awake, 
it becomes intelligently interested not only in the problems of the Mexicans, but also in 
their potentialities, it may make some illuminating discoveries. Some American com- 
munities haye become proud of their Mexican colonies; some Americans have become 
proud of their Mexican neighbors. 

One town in the Southwest has long had its share of Mexicans. It did not like 
them; they were not admitted to its moving picture theaters. But a Protestant church 
was founded among the Mexicans and with it a friendly home of service, whose purpose 
was to teach English, to give good times to the boys and girls, to help the Mexican 
mother, to give a lift to anyone in need. Little by little the American community be- 
came interested in this home which was interpreting some of the best things in America 
to the Mexicans. All the Protestant churches came to look upon it as their represen- 
tative. The time arrived when the work required a larger building, and the whole com- 
munity contributed the funds necessary. The Americans did their share; but the Mex- 
icans were not backward in providing their own. Except the wiring and the plumbing, 
which were contracted, they did all the work on the building. The concrete of the foun- 
dation, the carpentry inside and out, the plaster on walls and ceiling—all was the work 
of their hands. The climax came with the decorating. To look upon the vivid tiles in 
the roof, to see the gay colors of the interior is a becoming introduction to the happy 


29° 


side of the man from Mexico. The building is one of the most distinctive structures of 
the city. The Americans are proud of it; what is more, they are proud of their newly 
recognized neighbors. Here at least the Mexican has taken a step forward on his way 
to his due place in the American community. 


CONCLUSION 


The data presented in this report comes to focus on a relatively small group of 
outstanding questions; and with their statement it will close. 


A. Is the Mexican immigrant a homogeneous element in our American life? If 
not so now, is he likely to become so? How is he fitting in? How does he measure 
up to American standards—economic, social, racial? What sort of an American is he 
now? Will he be in the future? What values does the Mexican bring with him, 
which can be contributed to American life? How are the following factors to be 
evaluated as helping or hindering his adjustment to American life? 


a. A steady and living wage; 
b. Home ownership; 
c. The attitude of the American community. 


What light do the following generalizations shed on the above questions: ‘‘First, in 
matters of physical and mental defect. Mexican immigrants appear to be a community 
burden no greater than their population proportions would warrant. Second, Mexican 
immigrant cases of poverty, dependency and crime seem to be more frequent than 
among other groups in proportion to population percentages. On the whole, because 
of the economic and social costs involved in the contributions of Mexican immigrants 
to these community problems, it would appear that Mexican immigrants tend to be- 
come community liabilities. This does not mean, however, that it is impossible for 
them to become community assets, both economic and social.’’— (Bamford. ) 


“While the economic process involved in this problem (of the Mexican) is a proc- 
ess of organization, the corresponding social process which has taken place is a process 
of disorganization. This disorganization is represented in the separation of the Mex- 
ican worker from his home community in Mexico. It is manifested in the unemploy- 
ment, sickness and disease, vice and crime, poverty and dependency, bad housing and 
broken homes, deserted wives and neglected children, of Mexican workers in the United 
States. The methods used in promoting the process of economic organization, and 
the lack of methods represented in the process of social disorganization, are the two 
general and fundamental causes of the Mexican casual problem.’’ (Bamford.) 


B. Is the Mexican ‘‘cheap labor’’? He works for lower wages than other groups, 
perhaps. Yet in one year Los Angeles County General Hospital spent $328,075 on 
Mexican patients; the County Charities expended $430,000, or one-third of their 
budget on their Mexican cases. What also of the cost of delinquency and crime? of 
the expenditures of other social agencies? and of churches? of the unlisted contribu- 
tions of private individuals? Is it true that the community is making up in this way 
what the employer does not pay in wages? 


C. What of the problem of migrancy, with its lowering of home standards, im- 
pairment of earning power, interference with the children’s education, increased 
menace to health, and slowing-up of the assimilative process? Do our industries 
need as many seasonal workers as they announce? Is a more economical routing of 
migratory labor, reducing the area of migration, possible? Can the migratory labor 
supply! be best organized by state or federal agencies, farm bureaus or cooperative 
marketing associations? What employments can be developed for the Mexicans dur- 
ing the slack season, November to March? : 


D. What shall be the American policy toward future Mexican immigration? 
Shall the existing restrictions—literacy test, physical examination, $10 visa fee, $8 
head tax—-be abolished? Shall the policy of bringing laborers over ‘‘in bond’’ utilized 
during the war be revived? Shall our existing restrictions be temporarily waived dur- 
ing periods of agricultural or industrial need? Or, on the other hand, shall the pres- 
ent restrictive measures be made more stringent. Shall we apply the same quota to 
Mexican as to European immigration, which would reduce the annual entries to ap- 
proximately 1500? Shall we make our restrictive measures qualitative rather than 
quantitative? Finally, with a border 1800 miles long, entirely artificial save for a 
shallow river, with an active demand for cheap labor on one side and a surplus on the 
other, is it possible to enforce a restrictive immigration policy? In view of the large 
number of illegal entries, is an attempt at further restriction worth-while? Is it pos- 
sible and wise to enlist the cooperation of the Mexican government in developing a new 
immigration policy? 


30 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


This report is based in large measure on local and regional studies made in prepara- 
tion for the Congress, to whose authors (many of them, anonymous) sincere appreciation 
is voiced. Valuable data has also been obtained from studies carried on by the Sub- 
Department of Spanish Work of the Presbyterian Board of National Missions. 


In addition to the above, the following pamphlets have been used as source material: 
A Statistical Study of Sickness Among the Mexicans—In the Los Angeles County Hos- 


pital—Bureau of Tuberculosis,—California State Board of Health—July 1, 1922 
to June 30, 1924. 


Annual Report of Department of Health of the City of Los Angeles, California—For the 
Year Ended June 30, 1925, June 30, 1926. 


Bamford—Industrialization and the Mexican Casual, from Proceedings of Fifth Annual 
Convention of Southwestern Political and Social Science Association. 


Britton and Constable—Our Mexican Patients at Central Free Dispensary (Chicago). 


Brown, Sarah A.—Children Working in the Sugar Beet Fields of Certain Districts of the 
South Platte Valley, Colorado—National Child Labor Committee, 215 Fourth 
Ave., New York City. 


Davis—A Report on Illiteracy in Texas, University of Texas Bulletin, No. 2328. 


Handman—Social Problems in Texas, from The Southwestern Political and Social Science 
Quarterly, Vol. V, No. 3, Dec. 1924. 


Hearing before the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, House of Representa- 
tives, Sixty-Ninth Congress, First Session, Jan. 28, 29, Feb. 2, 9, 11, 23, 1926: 
“Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico.” 


Hughes—Living Conditions for Small-Wage Earners in Chicago, Department of Public 
Welfare, Chicago, 1925. 


Lofstedt—Mexican Population of Pasadena, California, in Journal of Applied Sociology, 
Vol. VII, No. 5, May-June, 1923. 


McLean and Thomson—Spanish and Mexican in Colorado, Presbyterian Board of Na- 
tional Missions. 


Ward, Kirkbride and Holmes—Mexican Immigration, Transactions of the Commonwealth 
Club of California, Vol. XXI, No. 1, March, 1926. 


31 


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